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  • To Recognise Or Not To Recognise

    TO RECOGNISE OR NOT TO RECOGNISE

    The Economist
    http://www.economist.com/blogs/easternapproaches/2010/07/reactions_icj_kosovo_ruling
    July 29 2010

    INTERNATIONAL reaction to last week's International Court of
    Justice's advisory opinion on Kosovo's declaration of independence
    has been mixed. Some countries have been forced by their own unusual
    circumstances into nuanced, or even awkward, positions.

    Armenia, for example, has been highly equivocal. Although it
    has praised the ICJ ruling as a blueprint for independence for
    Nagorno-Karabakh, an Armenian-controlled enclave in Azerbaijan which
    held massive street parties to celebrate the court's decision, there
    is no indication that it will recognise Kosovo in the near future,
    given pressure from its allies in Moscow.

    Conversely, Azerbaijan condemed the decision and Kosovo's secession as
    completely illegal, a stance taken by a number of other countries with
    active secessionist entities such as Moldova and Cyprus. By contrast,
    the Republika Srpska, the Serb bit of Bosnia-Herzegovina, is having a
    hard time making up its mind. It would love to break away from Bosnia,
    rather as Kosovo did from Serbia, but is hardly about to antagonise
    Belgrade by endorsing the ICJ's decision. Milorad Dodik, the prime
    minister, has said that the decision opens the possibility for his
    entity's own declaration of independence, but that his government would
    continue to prevent Bosnia from establishing diplomatic relations with
    Kosovo. Even then, this is more likely to be a rhetorical concession
    to Serbian nationalists in the run-up to the presidential elections
    in October--secession by the Republika could spark war and few would
    recognise the new state.

    After dissecting the ICJ ruling, Romania, a European Union member
    state, decided not to change its stance of non-recognition on the
    grounds that the court had not actually endorsed Kosovo as a state.

    This allowed Romania to dodge the issues that such an endorsement might
    have raised for its Hungarian-speaking minority. Taiwan congratulated
    Kosovo on the result; it has formally recognised Kosovo since its
    declaration of independence in 2008, although the favour has not been
    returned. This is because Kosovo is far keener to reap the benefits
    of recognition by China, since unanimous acceptance by the members
    of the Security Council is a prerequisite for UN membership.

    The Vatican has consistently refused to even contemplate recognition
    of Kosovo, mainly out of solidarity with the Serbian Orthodox church.

    Montenegro, which established relations with Kosovo in 2008, wants
    stability in the western Balkans region, which should accelerate
    its own application into the EU. It claimed that the ICJ ruling had
    resolved the Kosovo issue. Likewise, the Macedonian foreign ministry
    has released a statement which presents the ruling as a conclusive
    justification for its decision to grant Kosovo recognition in 2008,
    although this can also be attributed to the semi-permanent presence
    of Albanian parties in the country's coalition governments.

    Transnistria, the troublesome part of Moldova, is biding its time-as
    with the Republika Srpska, the Kosovo example provides a useful
    precedent for aspiring states, but not at the cost of alienating a
    powerful patron (in their case, Russia). More interesting have been
    the reactions of South Ossetia and Abkhazia, who broke from Georgia in
    2008 following the war with Russia. Both entities have unequivocally
    endorsed the ICJ ruling and have cited it as a justification for their
    own rights of secession, despite undoubted opposition from Moscow.




    From: A. Papazian
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