Tweet
GIVE US REPUBLICAN ELECTIONS
Lragir.am
09/02/10
And we will turn the whole political palette
Interview with the HAK coordinator Levon Zurabyan
For a long time, a probable cooperation of the Armenian National
Congress, the Heritage and the ARF was much talked about, but the
collaboration did not work. Heritage tried to cooperate with the ARF,
but this attempt failed. What is the reason that cooperation in the
opposition does not work?
After the signing of the Armenian-Turkish protocols, Congress had
an opportunity to strengthen all the forces not satisfied with the
actions of the authorities, and to join the oppositional fight. The
proposal to express themselves to the oppositional forces pursued the
aim to prove that they oppose the current regime, and point out the
flaws of the regime. Such criticism would mean a threat to the regime.
But the second option sounded: we are against only the protocols
and demand the resignation of the Minister of Foreign Affairs, and
no criticism of the regime's domestic policy. Congress's proposal
was a litmus test for the opposition because we need to understand
whether we have allies in the fight against violence, the regime of
Serge Sargsyan, in the fight for his resignation or not. Are there any
allies in the struggle for the freedom of the press and TV, against
the corrupt clan system? We have made a sincere offer to join our
fight: we provided a platform of 11 points, and we did not insist on
unquestioning acceptance of all items. They could introduce their
own proposals and to abandon some of our items. We might even find
out what the front counter can provide. But our proposals were not
heeded either by the ARF, or other forces. The main problem was the
demeanor of the ARF, which assumed the role of a force controlled by
the regime acting in the framework outlined by them, safe for it,
an opposition playing the government's foreign game. This was a
sensational discovery of those months. This party did not pass the
delineated border of the regime, did not accept offers of cooperation,
did not raise any significant issue relating to corruption and vices
of the regime and its domestic politics. At first we thought that
they could be higher than the coalition of the past and could become
a real oppositional force, but this did not happen. They demonstrated
that they are a part of the oligarchic regime, and we can confidently
assert that the leadership of the ARF is linked by thousands of threads
with the oligarchic system, causing dissatisfaction with the ordinary
members of the ARF.
Do you think that Congress failed to extend the oppositional front?
I believe that, in any case, it was useful, because in such cases,
you can either get an ally, or tear the mask of political forces. This
is an essential guarantee of public support because the society is
easier to choose if it knows who is who.
But the ARF does not exclude the requirement of Serge Sargsyan's
resignation, although at the moment it prefers to work in parliament.
We can state the current political realities: the ARF has proclaimed
itself opposition, accused the authorities of anti-national policy,
but it does not require its resignation. Demanding the resignation
of Minister of Foreign Affairs is simply ridiculous. ARF is trying to
create a comfortable atmosphere for the authorities. Let them pass the
delineated border of the government and to prove they are opposition.
Or they think that if there is Yerkir Media, A1 + is not needed? Or
that the circumstances of the death of 10 people on March 1 should
not be disclosed. Only by taking concrete steps, they may be counted
worthy of public trust.
But the Congress is not properly working with the Heritage either.
Moreover, the leaders of the Heritage, sometimes directly or
indirectly, accuse the Congress of the split in the party.
Do they have the same opinion? I do not know. Maybe what they said are
emotional assessments, and now regret. With regard to cooperation, we
hold public events aimed at restoring constitutional order, democracy,
and human rights protection. Mass events of such magnitude cannot
be held by other political forces. That was on December 10, on the
International Human Rights Day, on March 1 we will also hold a rally.
Political forces, including the Heritage, may accede to these events
if share these ideas. Unfortunately, they are not joining. On the
other hand, we are continuing our cooperation to reveal the crimes on
March 1 and at this time Heritage determines the amount of cooperation
Heritage.
That is, cooperation with the 'Heritage' you believe is possible,
but with the ARF is excluded?
We are open for cooperation. And ARF can always reconsider its
approaches. If they prove that they are ready to fight together,
we are always open. But let us recognize that even rigged elections
showed that Congress has the real support of the people. The most
important cause of the political crisis is the fact that the Armenian
National Congress, which enjoys the confidence of the people, is not
in parliament and does not have a deputy. This is an unacceptable
imbalance which will always maintain tension in the political life.
The solution is to hold extraordinary presidential and parliamentary
elections.
The feeling is that the society has grown accustomed to the situation
in any case political passions are not the same.
I think this is natural. The vast majority of people usually resides
in the state of political stagnation and is activated only during the
elections. That is the reason that, despite the fraud and frustration
of people, we believe it is important to participate in electoral
processes. We have no other way to activate people, to communicate
with them, except elections. If people do not see the prospect of
new elections, politics freezes. Give us a republican election,
and we will overturn the political palette. Give us the election,
and Armenia will rise behind the Congress.
But how are you going to achieve extraordinary elections if the people
are frozen politically?
The concept of the political crisis is not just words. It has also
difficult consequences - both economic and social, and domestic and
foreign policy. The Armenian authorities have tolerated a fiasco
because it did not enjoy the confidence of the people. If they think
that by refusing elections, they will repress the movement, they are
mistaken. People will fight in silence, which may cause an acute
crisis. We are talking about prioritizing early elections not for
the sake of our political careers. Confronting authorities leads to
the formation of an explosive situation that could lead to the fact
that they will be faced with the need of extraordinary elections,
but in very unfavorable conditions. That is how we are going to
extraordinary elections. If the power was a little more mature, it
would on its own initiative announce about extraordinary elections in
order to hold them in a controlled situation and to secure at least
a minimal presence in the parliament. If elections are held under
duress political situation, they will have no chances.
Interview By Arman Galoyan
Lragir.am
09/02/10
And we will turn the whole political palette
Interview with the HAK coordinator Levon Zurabyan
For a long time, a probable cooperation of the Armenian National
Congress, the Heritage and the ARF was much talked about, but the
collaboration did not work. Heritage tried to cooperate with the ARF,
but this attempt failed. What is the reason that cooperation in the
opposition does not work?
After the signing of the Armenian-Turkish protocols, Congress had
an opportunity to strengthen all the forces not satisfied with the
actions of the authorities, and to join the oppositional fight. The
proposal to express themselves to the oppositional forces pursued the
aim to prove that they oppose the current regime, and point out the
flaws of the regime. Such criticism would mean a threat to the regime.
But the second option sounded: we are against only the protocols
and demand the resignation of the Minister of Foreign Affairs, and
no criticism of the regime's domestic policy. Congress's proposal
was a litmus test for the opposition because we need to understand
whether we have allies in the fight against violence, the regime of
Serge Sargsyan, in the fight for his resignation or not. Are there any
allies in the struggle for the freedom of the press and TV, against
the corrupt clan system? We have made a sincere offer to join our
fight: we provided a platform of 11 points, and we did not insist on
unquestioning acceptance of all items. They could introduce their
own proposals and to abandon some of our items. We might even find
out what the front counter can provide. But our proposals were not
heeded either by the ARF, or other forces. The main problem was the
demeanor of the ARF, which assumed the role of a force controlled by
the regime acting in the framework outlined by them, safe for it,
an opposition playing the government's foreign game. This was a
sensational discovery of those months. This party did not pass the
delineated border of the regime, did not accept offers of cooperation,
did not raise any significant issue relating to corruption and vices
of the regime and its domestic politics. At first we thought that
they could be higher than the coalition of the past and could become
a real oppositional force, but this did not happen. They demonstrated
that they are a part of the oligarchic regime, and we can confidently
assert that the leadership of the ARF is linked by thousands of threads
with the oligarchic system, causing dissatisfaction with the ordinary
members of the ARF.
Do you think that Congress failed to extend the oppositional front?
I believe that, in any case, it was useful, because in such cases,
you can either get an ally, or tear the mask of political forces. This
is an essential guarantee of public support because the society is
easier to choose if it knows who is who.
But the ARF does not exclude the requirement of Serge Sargsyan's
resignation, although at the moment it prefers to work in parliament.
We can state the current political realities: the ARF has proclaimed
itself opposition, accused the authorities of anti-national policy,
but it does not require its resignation. Demanding the resignation
of Minister of Foreign Affairs is simply ridiculous. ARF is trying to
create a comfortable atmosphere for the authorities. Let them pass the
delineated border of the government and to prove they are opposition.
Or they think that if there is Yerkir Media, A1 + is not needed? Or
that the circumstances of the death of 10 people on March 1 should
not be disclosed. Only by taking concrete steps, they may be counted
worthy of public trust.
But the Congress is not properly working with the Heritage either.
Moreover, the leaders of the Heritage, sometimes directly or
indirectly, accuse the Congress of the split in the party.
Do they have the same opinion? I do not know. Maybe what they said are
emotional assessments, and now regret. With regard to cooperation, we
hold public events aimed at restoring constitutional order, democracy,
and human rights protection. Mass events of such magnitude cannot
be held by other political forces. That was on December 10, on the
International Human Rights Day, on March 1 we will also hold a rally.
Political forces, including the Heritage, may accede to these events
if share these ideas. Unfortunately, they are not joining. On the
other hand, we are continuing our cooperation to reveal the crimes on
March 1 and at this time Heritage determines the amount of cooperation
Heritage.
That is, cooperation with the 'Heritage' you believe is possible,
but with the ARF is excluded?
We are open for cooperation. And ARF can always reconsider its
approaches. If they prove that they are ready to fight together,
we are always open. But let us recognize that even rigged elections
showed that Congress has the real support of the people. The most
important cause of the political crisis is the fact that the Armenian
National Congress, which enjoys the confidence of the people, is not
in parliament and does not have a deputy. This is an unacceptable
imbalance which will always maintain tension in the political life.
The solution is to hold extraordinary presidential and parliamentary
elections.
The feeling is that the society has grown accustomed to the situation
in any case political passions are not the same.
I think this is natural. The vast majority of people usually resides
in the state of political stagnation and is activated only during the
elections. That is the reason that, despite the fraud and frustration
of people, we believe it is important to participate in electoral
processes. We have no other way to activate people, to communicate
with them, except elections. If people do not see the prospect of
new elections, politics freezes. Give us a republican election,
and we will overturn the political palette. Give us the election,
and Armenia will rise behind the Congress.
But how are you going to achieve extraordinary elections if the people
are frozen politically?
The concept of the political crisis is not just words. It has also
difficult consequences - both economic and social, and domestic and
foreign policy. The Armenian authorities have tolerated a fiasco
because it did not enjoy the confidence of the people. If they think
that by refusing elections, they will repress the movement, they are
mistaken. People will fight in silence, which may cause an acute
crisis. We are talking about prioritizing early elections not for
the sake of our political careers. Confronting authorities leads to
the formation of an explosive situation that could lead to the fact
that they will be faced with the need of extraordinary elections,
but in very unfavorable conditions. That is how we are going to
extraordinary elections. If the power was a little more mature, it
would on its own initiative announce about extraordinary elections in
order to hold them in a controlled situation and to secure at least
a minimal presence in the parliament. If elections are held under
duress political situation, they will have no chances.
Interview By Arman Galoyan