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Huffington Post
June 9 2010
Talking Turkey About Turkey
Leon T. Hadar.Journalist and foreign affairs analyst
Posted: June 9, 2010 01:18 PM
The international crisis over the Israeli raid on the on the Gaza
"Peace Flotilla" was not yet over, but the usual suspects were already
sending me emails with horrific pictures of the Armenian Genocide -
and it was a Genocide - by the Turkish army in 1915 as well as other
Turkey-bashing stuff providing details about the Turkish illegal
occupation and colonization (150,000 settlers) of (northern) Cyprus
and the government's brutal suppression of the Kurdish insurgency.
And then there was the Grand Narrative. Turkey has become the New
Iran, joining forces with Iran and Syria in an anti-American and
anti-Israeli -- if not an anti-Semitic -- Islamofascist Axis of Evil
that seeks to destroy the Jewish State as part of a long-term strategy
of re-establishing the Ottoman Empire and a Global Caliphate.
Mirror imaging these nightmare scenarios on the other side" "were
predictions about the emergence of Turkey as a Middle Eastern
"hegemon" or superpower that was challenging and counterbalancing the
power of the pro-Israeli and anti-Muslim American Empire and helping
create the foundations of a New Middle East and the Post-American
World.
Take it easy, guys. Chill out! Say "No!" to Broad Brushing.
Indeed, there was a time when the ambitious academic or journalist
would take his or her time before unleashing a new grand narrative
that made sense of the changing global realities. But it seems that
that in our 24/7 media environment any pseudo or real event tends to
encourage bloggers and pundits to come up with "instant narratives"
according to which this surprising electoral outcome or that
unexpected violent encounter is a sign that The Stars Are Aligning,
the Tectonic Plates Are Shifting and that The World As We Know It Is
Coming To An End.
The latest example of this kind of media's rush into instantaneous
narrating has been the constant attempts to put the Gaza Flotilla
crisis in some strategic and historical context, either on a
micro-level (the Israeli blockade of Gaza; the Israeli military
operation; the Turkish Islamist charity organization) or the macro one
(the Israeli-Palestinian conflict; the Turkish-Israeli relationship;
U.S. ties with Israel and Turkey).
The problem is that some of these analyses have been painted with
broad brush strokes, producing on all sides striking narratives --
that happen to be wrong.
Hence some American and Israeli commentators have suggested that under
the leadership of the Islamist Justice and Development Party (AKP)
Turkey has been setting aside the secular and pro-Western orientation
of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, the founder of modern Turkey and is being
transformed into a radical Islamist state . Turkish Prime Minister
Recep Tayyip Erdogan and his aides are supposedly pursuing a
Neo-Ottomaniststrategy based on establishing close ties with the Arab
World and de-legitimizing the Jewish State.
The policy implication of such an account is that the U.S. and Israel
have therefore no other choice but to regard Turkey -- like Iran -- as
an assertive strategic and ideological power posing a direct threat to
Western interests and the survival of Israel, which is quite different
from the other narrative we have been exposed to until recently. That
old narrative suggested that Turkey was led by a democratic Islamist
political party - a Muslim version of Europe's Christian-Democratic
parties -- and that the AKP and Erdogan were actually committed to the
political and economic liberalization of Turkey (according to this
story line the old secular and military elites were the
anti-democrats) as well as to the winning a membership in the European
Union (EU) while continuing to maintain close ties with Washington and
Israel. In fact, not so long ago many of the neoconservative pundits
who are now portraying Turkey as the New Iran were arguing that the
electoral victories of the AKP and its moderate Western oriented
policies at home and abroad demonstrated once again that promoting
democracy and free elections in the Middle East would end-up advancing
American values and interests.
But if anything, the outcome of the process of political and economic
liberalization in Turkey highlighted once again the fallacy behind the
thinking that the American-led export of democracy will help bring the
"good guys" into power. That neoconservative axiom helped drive the
Bush Administration's Freedom Agenda the Middle East, including the
ousting of Iraq's Saddam Hussein and the electoral victories of the
religious Shiite parties as well as the election of Hamas in
Palestine.
In the case of Turkey, the election of the AKP, like that of its
predecessor, the (now outlawed) Virtue Party, helped bring to power
representatives of the formerly politically marginalized segments of
Turkish society - including members of the rural population of
Anatolia that have migrated to the large urban centers -- that tended
to be more traditional in their political-cultural orientation while
supportive not only of free election but also of some of the free
market reforms pursued by the AKP governments that challenged the
statist economic policies of the past and empowered a new generation
of entrepreneurs while accelerating Turkish economic growth.
To apply terms from the context of American politics, political and
economic power in Turkey started shifting to its own variety of
America's "red states" -- less secular and statist and wiht a more
nationalist and populist electorate, a mixed bag of ideological
positions and political agendas that were neither "pro" nor "anti"
Western, but reflected the evolving values of a new empowered Turkish
majority that include eroding the power of the military; modifying the
secular Kemalist policy; and integrating the Kurds into society.
These and other domestic political changes created in turn the
foundations for a more independent foreign policy that was neither
"pro" or "anti" American (or "anti" Israeli) but displayed both the
new sources of Turkish power, symbolized by its membership in the
G-20, as well the constraints operating on it: continuing the drive to
join the EU, Turkey's largest market (a process that also provided
incentives for domestic reforms); maintaining the membership in the
U.S.-led NATO, including taking part in the mission in Afghanistan (a
clear reflection of the commitment to strong ties with the Americans);
strengthening economic and diplomatic ties with the Arab neighbors (as
well as with Iran and the Caucus) as part of a strategy aimed at
stressing the Turkish regional leadership role while pursuing military
cooperation with Israel.
>From that perspective, Turkish policies were very pragmatic,
recognizing the limits -- pressure from the military and the secular
middle class and concerns over national interests -- on the ability of
the AKP to advance a more Islamist agenda at home and abroad. In fact,
much of the government's foreign policy seem to be based less on
Islamist ideology and more on Realpolitik considerations and economic
interests. Ankara refused to permit the U.S to use its territory to
deploy troops into Iraq but has worked closely with the current
government in Baghdad and improved relations with Iran and Syria as
part of a strategy to deny Kurdish guerrillas safe havens in these
countries. Moreover, Turkish effort to exert more influence in the
Middle East was in itself a response to the mess created by American
policy in Iraq, Lebanon and Israel/Palestine and the rest of the
Middle East.
And contrary to spin in Washington that portrayed Turkey (and Brazil,
another close U.S. ally) as trying to sabotage attempts by the U.S.
and its allies to end Iran's nuclear military program, the accord
reached with Tehran -- under which the Iranians agreed to deposit 1200
kg of low grade uranium in Turkey to be exchanged for 120 kg of higher
grade uranium in nuclear fuel rods -- was very much in line with
earlier UN proposals and seemed to complement American diplomacy.
Nor was the general direction of the Turkish policy towards Israel a
demonstration of a new anti-Israeli approach. The serious diplomacy on
the part of Erdogan that centered on the idea that Turkey could serve
as a mediator between Syria and Israelmade a lot of strategic sense,
especially at a time when Washington's power in the region has been
eroding in the aftermath of the Iraq War, and offered long-term
benefits to all those involved in the process, including the Israelis.
At the same time, the 2008 Israeli military operation in Gaza, which
led to the collapse of the Israeli-Syrian talks under Turkish
auspices, ran contrary to the interests of Turkey which was trying to
co-opt the Islamist movement of Hamas and persuade it to moderate its
positions. The television images of Palestinian civilian casualties in
Gaza helped ignite anti-Israeli sentiments on the government to
condemn the Israeli operation that gained more traction following
infantile Israeli responses. In a way, the current tensions over the
Israeli raid on the Gaza "Peace Flotilla" are a continuation of the
disagreements between Ankara and Jerusalem over the policy towards
Hamas.
But the current crisis also demonstrated the need on the part of the
Israelis and the Turks to refrain from turning these policy
disagreements into a wide-ranging "civilizational" conflict. Israel
needs to recognize and support Turkey's determination to play a more
activist diplomatic role and take advantage of it and refrain from
trying to demonize Turkey as an Islamofascist entity. At the end of
the day, Israel has more at stake than Turkey in repairing the
bilateral relations between Ankara and Jerusalem.
At the same time, Erdogan and the AKP should understand that that
Turkey does not have the capability to serve as an all powerful
regional hegemon, and that any attempt to move in that direction will
ignite anti-Turkey backlash from regional and global players. In any
case, trying to serve as a mediator between the Israelis and the Arabs
could prove to be a difficult and thankless job -- if not a mission
impossible -- as the Americans and other powers have already
discovered, and that trying to compensate for their diplomatic
weakness by displaying Islamist bravado could backfire against the
Turks and will certainly not accelerate the establishment of a New
Middle East anytime soon. In short, Turkey is not as threatening as
its detractors warn nor as powerful as many Turks and their new fans
believe.
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/leon-t-hadar/talking-turkey-about-turk_b_606152.html.
From: A. Papazian
June 9 2010
Talking Turkey About Turkey
Leon T. Hadar.Journalist and foreign affairs analyst
Posted: June 9, 2010 01:18 PM
The international crisis over the Israeli raid on the on the Gaza
"Peace Flotilla" was not yet over, but the usual suspects were already
sending me emails with horrific pictures of the Armenian Genocide -
and it was a Genocide - by the Turkish army in 1915 as well as other
Turkey-bashing stuff providing details about the Turkish illegal
occupation and colonization (150,000 settlers) of (northern) Cyprus
and the government's brutal suppression of the Kurdish insurgency.
And then there was the Grand Narrative. Turkey has become the New
Iran, joining forces with Iran and Syria in an anti-American and
anti-Israeli -- if not an anti-Semitic -- Islamofascist Axis of Evil
that seeks to destroy the Jewish State as part of a long-term strategy
of re-establishing the Ottoman Empire and a Global Caliphate.
Mirror imaging these nightmare scenarios on the other side" "were
predictions about the emergence of Turkey as a Middle Eastern
"hegemon" or superpower that was challenging and counterbalancing the
power of the pro-Israeli and anti-Muslim American Empire and helping
create the foundations of a New Middle East and the Post-American
World.
Take it easy, guys. Chill out! Say "No!" to Broad Brushing.
Indeed, there was a time when the ambitious academic or journalist
would take his or her time before unleashing a new grand narrative
that made sense of the changing global realities. But it seems that
that in our 24/7 media environment any pseudo or real event tends to
encourage bloggers and pundits to come up with "instant narratives"
according to which this surprising electoral outcome or that
unexpected violent encounter is a sign that The Stars Are Aligning,
the Tectonic Plates Are Shifting and that The World As We Know It Is
Coming To An End.
The latest example of this kind of media's rush into instantaneous
narrating has been the constant attempts to put the Gaza Flotilla
crisis in some strategic and historical context, either on a
micro-level (the Israeli blockade of Gaza; the Israeli military
operation; the Turkish Islamist charity organization) or the macro one
(the Israeli-Palestinian conflict; the Turkish-Israeli relationship;
U.S. ties with Israel and Turkey).
The problem is that some of these analyses have been painted with
broad brush strokes, producing on all sides striking narratives --
that happen to be wrong.
Hence some American and Israeli commentators have suggested that under
the leadership of the Islamist Justice and Development Party (AKP)
Turkey has been setting aside the secular and pro-Western orientation
of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, the founder of modern Turkey and is being
transformed into a radical Islamist state . Turkish Prime Minister
Recep Tayyip Erdogan and his aides are supposedly pursuing a
Neo-Ottomaniststrategy based on establishing close ties with the Arab
World and de-legitimizing the Jewish State.
The policy implication of such an account is that the U.S. and Israel
have therefore no other choice but to regard Turkey -- like Iran -- as
an assertive strategic and ideological power posing a direct threat to
Western interests and the survival of Israel, which is quite different
from the other narrative we have been exposed to until recently. That
old narrative suggested that Turkey was led by a democratic Islamist
political party - a Muslim version of Europe's Christian-Democratic
parties -- and that the AKP and Erdogan were actually committed to the
political and economic liberalization of Turkey (according to this
story line the old secular and military elites were the
anti-democrats) as well as to the winning a membership in the European
Union (EU) while continuing to maintain close ties with Washington and
Israel. In fact, not so long ago many of the neoconservative pundits
who are now portraying Turkey as the New Iran were arguing that the
electoral victories of the AKP and its moderate Western oriented
policies at home and abroad demonstrated once again that promoting
democracy and free elections in the Middle East would end-up advancing
American values and interests.
But if anything, the outcome of the process of political and economic
liberalization in Turkey highlighted once again the fallacy behind the
thinking that the American-led export of democracy will help bring the
"good guys" into power. That neoconservative axiom helped drive the
Bush Administration's Freedom Agenda the Middle East, including the
ousting of Iraq's Saddam Hussein and the electoral victories of the
religious Shiite parties as well as the election of Hamas in
Palestine.
In the case of Turkey, the election of the AKP, like that of its
predecessor, the (now outlawed) Virtue Party, helped bring to power
representatives of the formerly politically marginalized segments of
Turkish society - including members of the rural population of
Anatolia that have migrated to the large urban centers -- that tended
to be more traditional in their political-cultural orientation while
supportive not only of free election but also of some of the free
market reforms pursued by the AKP governments that challenged the
statist economic policies of the past and empowered a new generation
of entrepreneurs while accelerating Turkish economic growth.
To apply terms from the context of American politics, political and
economic power in Turkey started shifting to its own variety of
America's "red states" -- less secular and statist and wiht a more
nationalist and populist electorate, a mixed bag of ideological
positions and political agendas that were neither "pro" nor "anti"
Western, but reflected the evolving values of a new empowered Turkish
majority that include eroding the power of the military; modifying the
secular Kemalist policy; and integrating the Kurds into society.
These and other domestic political changes created in turn the
foundations for a more independent foreign policy that was neither
"pro" or "anti" American (or "anti" Israeli) but displayed both the
new sources of Turkish power, symbolized by its membership in the
G-20, as well the constraints operating on it: continuing the drive to
join the EU, Turkey's largest market (a process that also provided
incentives for domestic reforms); maintaining the membership in the
U.S.-led NATO, including taking part in the mission in Afghanistan (a
clear reflection of the commitment to strong ties with the Americans);
strengthening economic and diplomatic ties with the Arab neighbors (as
well as with Iran and the Caucus) as part of a strategy aimed at
stressing the Turkish regional leadership role while pursuing military
cooperation with Israel.
>From that perspective, Turkish policies were very pragmatic,
recognizing the limits -- pressure from the military and the secular
middle class and concerns over national interests -- on the ability of
the AKP to advance a more Islamist agenda at home and abroad. In fact,
much of the government's foreign policy seem to be based less on
Islamist ideology and more on Realpolitik considerations and economic
interests. Ankara refused to permit the U.S to use its territory to
deploy troops into Iraq but has worked closely with the current
government in Baghdad and improved relations with Iran and Syria as
part of a strategy to deny Kurdish guerrillas safe havens in these
countries. Moreover, Turkish effort to exert more influence in the
Middle East was in itself a response to the mess created by American
policy in Iraq, Lebanon and Israel/Palestine and the rest of the
Middle East.
And contrary to spin in Washington that portrayed Turkey (and Brazil,
another close U.S. ally) as trying to sabotage attempts by the U.S.
and its allies to end Iran's nuclear military program, the accord
reached with Tehran -- under which the Iranians agreed to deposit 1200
kg of low grade uranium in Turkey to be exchanged for 120 kg of higher
grade uranium in nuclear fuel rods -- was very much in line with
earlier UN proposals and seemed to complement American diplomacy.
Nor was the general direction of the Turkish policy towards Israel a
demonstration of a new anti-Israeli approach. The serious diplomacy on
the part of Erdogan that centered on the idea that Turkey could serve
as a mediator between Syria and Israelmade a lot of strategic sense,
especially at a time when Washington's power in the region has been
eroding in the aftermath of the Iraq War, and offered long-term
benefits to all those involved in the process, including the Israelis.
At the same time, the 2008 Israeli military operation in Gaza, which
led to the collapse of the Israeli-Syrian talks under Turkish
auspices, ran contrary to the interests of Turkey which was trying to
co-opt the Islamist movement of Hamas and persuade it to moderate its
positions. The television images of Palestinian civilian casualties in
Gaza helped ignite anti-Israeli sentiments on the government to
condemn the Israeli operation that gained more traction following
infantile Israeli responses. In a way, the current tensions over the
Israeli raid on the Gaza "Peace Flotilla" are a continuation of the
disagreements between Ankara and Jerusalem over the policy towards
Hamas.
But the current crisis also demonstrated the need on the part of the
Israelis and the Turks to refrain from turning these policy
disagreements into a wide-ranging "civilizational" conflict. Israel
needs to recognize and support Turkey's determination to play a more
activist diplomatic role and take advantage of it and refrain from
trying to demonize Turkey as an Islamofascist entity. At the end of
the day, Israel has more at stake than Turkey in repairing the
bilateral relations between Ankara and Jerusalem.
At the same time, Erdogan and the AKP should understand that that
Turkey does not have the capability to serve as an all powerful
regional hegemon, and that any attempt to move in that direction will
ignite anti-Turkey backlash from regional and global players. In any
case, trying to serve as a mediator between the Israelis and the Arabs
could prove to be a difficult and thankless job -- if not a mission
impossible -- as the Americans and other powers have already
discovered, and that trying to compensate for their diplomatic
weakness by displaying Islamist bravado could backfire against the
Turks and will certainly not accelerate the establishment of a New
Middle East anytime soon. In short, Turkey is not as threatening as
its detractors warn nor as powerful as many Turks and their new fans
believe.
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/leon-t-hadar/talking-turkey-about-turk_b_606152.html.
From: A. Papazian