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REASSESSING THE GENOCIDE RESOLUTION
Alon Ben Meir
Journal of Turkish Weekly
March 11 2010
Once again, as has happened every spring for years running, the debate
over whether the ethnic clashes against the Armenians in the break
up of the Ottoman Empire amounted to genocide has made it into the
US political arena for Congress to weigh in. The recent resolution
adopted by the House Committee on Foreign Affairs-to officially
recognize actions against the Armenians in 1915 as genocide committed
by the Ottoman Turks-has less to do with the US government's pursuit
of historical accuracy, than political theater that has come at a
strikingly inopportune time.
Genocide is a serious label, and requires not only moral authority from
those who use it but a deep comprehension of the historical context
in which these events occurred. Armenians have every right to demand
official inquiries about the terms and conditions in which hundreds of
thousands of their ancestors were killed, but this is not the task of
US Congress, who has neither the moral standing to codify armed clashes
of a century ago without proper inquiry nor the right to be selective
about human rights offenses for political points. Every effort should
be made by President Obama and the remaining House Representatives
to prevent the resolution from reaching the House floor.
Beyond the very serious damage that such a resolution could inflict
on US-Turkish relations, should it pass the full House, congressional
interference at this juncture could severely erode the very moral
argument used justify the resolution. Turkey and Armenia have only
recently concluded two protocols calling for closer ties, open borders,
and most importantly, the creation of a commission to examine the
historical evidence of the tragic events. Not only will this vote
undermine the reconciliation process between Turkey and Armenia, but it
threatens the US-Turkish relationship at a time when Turkey is playing
a critical role aiding the US and the Middle East peace process.
Sadly, this resolution was politicized at the outset, thereby
diminishing much of its moral tenet. Had the purpose been for the US to
champion human rights and officially condemn any large scale atrocities
in times of war, then why was there no debate about massacres in Sudan,
Rwanda, Algeria or the Balkans? The fact that it was supported by a
powerful lobby and sponsored by many members of Congress, including
House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, the Committee Chairman Howard Berman from
California, and Donald Payne and Albio Sires from New Jersey, each of
whom represent relatively large Armenian constituencies, takes this
debate out of the moral realm and into the political one. Beyond this
matter, Howard Berman and the Foreign Relations Committee failed to
address the pressing issues behind what such a resolution would invite
forth, mainly the land disputes between Armenia and Azerbaijan and the
issue of reparations for descendants of the victims, none of which can
be treated in isolation. However large the political benefit these
members of Congress may garner this election year by pushing this
resolution, it is not in US interests, as the end result will hurt
the Turkish-Armenian reconciliation process and severely undercut
Turkish-US cooperation should it come to fruition. Such a serious
resolution requires the application of the highest moral review and
investigation, not a politically convenient act which is considered
an insult to Turkish identity. If genocide was in fact committed,
it should be left to an international investigative tribunal, not
politicians who need to be reelected every two years.
Turkey has been a loyal friend of the United States for more than
a half century, and continues to support American efforts in Iraq,
Afghanistan and the Arab-Israeli peace process. It is a modern
secular democracy, and has made great strides in remaining open
and progressive. Why then should the United States Congress hold
the descendants of the Ottomans responsible for the deeds of their
fathers perpetrated a century ago? Since Turkey vehemently rejects the
term genocide, what judgment should then be passed, and by whom, that
will not tarnish the present generation of Turks? This generation had
nothing to do with past events and, in fact, condemns the atrocities
committed during that heinous war, regardless of who the perpetrators
were. What then gives the United States' House of Representatives
the moral authority to pass judgment, when domestic political
interest shamelessly dominates their motives? The argument against
the resolution by the full House should be based on moral grounds,
and the members must not act as judges and jurors when Turkey and
Armenia have agreed to establish their own joint committee to unravel
what in fact happened.
At a time when America still suffers from a lagging global image after
years of hawkish foreign policy and two ongoing wars, the United
States Congress must support what Turkey and Armenia have agreed
to do to resolve their conflict and help facilitate a resolution to
the Nagorno-Karabakh territorial dispute. Even the Jewish lobby, in
the wake of a series of diplomatic rifts between Turkey and Israel,
acted quietly in favor of the Turks, resulting in a close margin in
the vote. As much as Prime Minister Erdogan's recent statements have
not fared well with the Israeli public, the Israeli diaspora is keen
on maintaining the strategic nature of its relationship with Turkey
as well as Turkey's relationship with the West.
But more importantly, the Turkish government who acted out fervently
against the US government following the resolution must come to grips
with the separation of power in the United States. Both President
Obama and Secretary Clinton have come out strongly against the
resolution-albeit last minute-yet they cannot control the votes or the
agenda of Congress. Under no circumstance should Prime Minister Erdogan
cancel his upcoming visit to the US, as he should use this opportunity
to present his case and prove that Turkey is capable of handling the
disputes with Armenia without US congressional intervention.
It is by no means certain that this misguided resolution taken by
Pelosi and Berman will pass in the full House should it come to a
vote. Furthermore, it is unlikely these sponsors will even bring the
resolution to the floor unless they are certain it has a substantial
chance to pass. This represents a keen opportunity for Democrats
and Republicans alike to find a common area of interest and work in
unison for the best interests of the US, Turkey, and the future of
Turkish-Armenian relations.
Alon Ben Meir
Journal of Turkish Weekly
March 11 2010
Once again, as has happened every spring for years running, the debate
over whether the ethnic clashes against the Armenians in the break
up of the Ottoman Empire amounted to genocide has made it into the
US political arena for Congress to weigh in. The recent resolution
adopted by the House Committee on Foreign Affairs-to officially
recognize actions against the Armenians in 1915 as genocide committed
by the Ottoman Turks-has less to do with the US government's pursuit
of historical accuracy, than political theater that has come at a
strikingly inopportune time.
Genocide is a serious label, and requires not only moral authority from
those who use it but a deep comprehension of the historical context
in which these events occurred. Armenians have every right to demand
official inquiries about the terms and conditions in which hundreds of
thousands of their ancestors were killed, but this is not the task of
US Congress, who has neither the moral standing to codify armed clashes
of a century ago without proper inquiry nor the right to be selective
about human rights offenses for political points. Every effort should
be made by President Obama and the remaining House Representatives
to prevent the resolution from reaching the House floor.
Beyond the very serious damage that such a resolution could inflict
on US-Turkish relations, should it pass the full House, congressional
interference at this juncture could severely erode the very moral
argument used justify the resolution. Turkey and Armenia have only
recently concluded two protocols calling for closer ties, open borders,
and most importantly, the creation of a commission to examine the
historical evidence of the tragic events. Not only will this vote
undermine the reconciliation process between Turkey and Armenia, but it
threatens the US-Turkish relationship at a time when Turkey is playing
a critical role aiding the US and the Middle East peace process.
Sadly, this resolution was politicized at the outset, thereby
diminishing much of its moral tenet. Had the purpose been for the US to
champion human rights and officially condemn any large scale atrocities
in times of war, then why was there no debate about massacres in Sudan,
Rwanda, Algeria or the Balkans? The fact that it was supported by a
powerful lobby and sponsored by many members of Congress, including
House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, the Committee Chairman Howard Berman from
California, and Donald Payne and Albio Sires from New Jersey, each of
whom represent relatively large Armenian constituencies, takes this
debate out of the moral realm and into the political one. Beyond this
matter, Howard Berman and the Foreign Relations Committee failed to
address the pressing issues behind what such a resolution would invite
forth, mainly the land disputes between Armenia and Azerbaijan and the
issue of reparations for descendants of the victims, none of which can
be treated in isolation. However large the political benefit these
members of Congress may garner this election year by pushing this
resolution, it is not in US interests, as the end result will hurt
the Turkish-Armenian reconciliation process and severely undercut
Turkish-US cooperation should it come to fruition. Such a serious
resolution requires the application of the highest moral review and
investigation, not a politically convenient act which is considered
an insult to Turkish identity. If genocide was in fact committed,
it should be left to an international investigative tribunal, not
politicians who need to be reelected every two years.
Turkey has been a loyal friend of the United States for more than
a half century, and continues to support American efforts in Iraq,
Afghanistan and the Arab-Israeli peace process. It is a modern
secular democracy, and has made great strides in remaining open
and progressive. Why then should the United States Congress hold
the descendants of the Ottomans responsible for the deeds of their
fathers perpetrated a century ago? Since Turkey vehemently rejects the
term genocide, what judgment should then be passed, and by whom, that
will not tarnish the present generation of Turks? This generation had
nothing to do with past events and, in fact, condemns the atrocities
committed during that heinous war, regardless of who the perpetrators
were. What then gives the United States' House of Representatives
the moral authority to pass judgment, when domestic political
interest shamelessly dominates their motives? The argument against
the resolution by the full House should be based on moral grounds,
and the members must not act as judges and jurors when Turkey and
Armenia have agreed to establish their own joint committee to unravel
what in fact happened.
At a time when America still suffers from a lagging global image after
years of hawkish foreign policy and two ongoing wars, the United
States Congress must support what Turkey and Armenia have agreed
to do to resolve their conflict and help facilitate a resolution to
the Nagorno-Karabakh territorial dispute. Even the Jewish lobby, in
the wake of a series of diplomatic rifts between Turkey and Israel,
acted quietly in favor of the Turks, resulting in a close margin in
the vote. As much as Prime Minister Erdogan's recent statements have
not fared well with the Israeli public, the Israeli diaspora is keen
on maintaining the strategic nature of its relationship with Turkey
as well as Turkey's relationship with the West.
But more importantly, the Turkish government who acted out fervently
against the US government following the resolution must come to grips
with the separation of power in the United States. Both President
Obama and Secretary Clinton have come out strongly against the
resolution-albeit last minute-yet they cannot control the votes or the
agenda of Congress. Under no circumstance should Prime Minister Erdogan
cancel his upcoming visit to the US, as he should use this opportunity
to present his case and prove that Turkey is capable of handling the
disputes with Armenia without US congressional intervention.
It is by no means certain that this misguided resolution taken by
Pelosi and Berman will pass in the full House should it come to a
vote. Furthermore, it is unlikely these sponsors will even bring the
resolution to the floor unless they are certain it has a substantial
chance to pass. This represents a keen opportunity for Democrats
and Republicans alike to find a common area of interest and work in
unison for the best interests of the US, Turkey, and the future of
Turkish-Armenian relations.