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VITAL SIGNS OF DEMOCRACY IN THE SOUTH CAUCASUS
Giorgi Lomsadze
EurasiaNet.org
June 29 2011
NY
In keeping with a persistent trend, the state of democracy in the South
Caucasus ranges from so-so (Georgia) to bad (Armenia) to really bad
(Azerbaijan), according to the recently released "Nations in Transit,"
an annual democracy health test for the former Soviet Union, Central
and Eastern Europe, prepared by the Washington, DC-based Freedom House.
First case: Azerbaijan. The country was diagnosed with a "Consolidated
Authoritarian Regime," a chronic and "severe disregard of basic
freedoms" and of "due democratic process." The richest in resources
and the poorest in democracy of the three South Caucasus countries,
energy-rich Azerbaijan saw its 2011 score slip by a seventh of a
point to 6.46, a notch above the absolute-failure score of 7.
Last year's parliamentary vote, widely seen as a state-managed show
to lend a whiff of legitimacy to Azerbaijan's ruling Aliyev dynasty,
contributed to the decline. The report holds that the ruling elite
continues to bathe in the country's natural resources -- oil and gas
-- and allows no leeway for opposition, media or civil oversight;
in effect, leaving Azerbaijan vulnerable to the same pressures that
led to the Arab uprisings.
Meanwhile, next door in Armenia, the government this year ranked as
"Semi-Consolidated Authoritarian." Armenian media are more proactive
and civil society groups enjoy respect, the report argues. The
government, too, has shown itself to be relatively flexible, by
striking some compromises this year with the opposition.
But freedoms only go so far in Armenia, with President Serzh Sargsyan's
government enjoying disproportionate de-facto privileges over its
opponents. A deep economic crisis, now on the mend, and failure to
revise electoral legislation properly are among the setbacks that
pulled Armenia's democracy score down by a hair to 5.43, the rough
equivalent of a grade of "D" (or "poor").
And last, but not least, we have Georgia, again a teacher's pet by
comparison. It ranked as the only South Caucasus country that saw its
Freedom House score improve (from 4.93 to 4.86) and the only country
east of Ukraine to fall into the "Transitional Government or Hybrid
Regime" category.
Freedom House found that Georgia's post-2008 war pressures are
subsiding and domestic politics are migrating from the streets
into negotiations, as illustrated by a compromise deal this week on
electoral law; the group noted, though, that this year has seen an
abuse of power by police during the May 26 dispersal of an opposition
protest rally.
As with any promising pupil, however, there is room for improvement.
The judiciary system apparently remains impervious to attempts to
bolster its independence, while international organizations are
scratching their heads over how to improve media professionalism and
civil society's role in policy formulation.
The post-Saakashvili future also remains a gaping unknown; the report
asks whether President Mikheil Saakashvili will pull a Putin once
his term ends in 2013; i.e. will he stay in power as prime minister,
like Russia's Vladimir Putin did.
From: Baghdasarian
Giorgi Lomsadze
EurasiaNet.org
June 29 2011
NY
In keeping with a persistent trend, the state of democracy in the South
Caucasus ranges from so-so (Georgia) to bad (Armenia) to really bad
(Azerbaijan), according to the recently released "Nations in Transit,"
an annual democracy health test for the former Soviet Union, Central
and Eastern Europe, prepared by the Washington, DC-based Freedom House.
First case: Azerbaijan. The country was diagnosed with a "Consolidated
Authoritarian Regime," a chronic and "severe disregard of basic
freedoms" and of "due democratic process." The richest in resources
and the poorest in democracy of the three South Caucasus countries,
energy-rich Azerbaijan saw its 2011 score slip by a seventh of a
point to 6.46, a notch above the absolute-failure score of 7.
Last year's parliamentary vote, widely seen as a state-managed show
to lend a whiff of legitimacy to Azerbaijan's ruling Aliyev dynasty,
contributed to the decline. The report holds that the ruling elite
continues to bathe in the country's natural resources -- oil and gas
-- and allows no leeway for opposition, media or civil oversight;
in effect, leaving Azerbaijan vulnerable to the same pressures that
led to the Arab uprisings.
Meanwhile, next door in Armenia, the government this year ranked as
"Semi-Consolidated Authoritarian." Armenian media are more proactive
and civil society groups enjoy respect, the report argues. The
government, too, has shown itself to be relatively flexible, by
striking some compromises this year with the opposition.
But freedoms only go so far in Armenia, with President Serzh Sargsyan's
government enjoying disproportionate de-facto privileges over its
opponents. A deep economic crisis, now on the mend, and failure to
revise electoral legislation properly are among the setbacks that
pulled Armenia's democracy score down by a hair to 5.43, the rough
equivalent of a grade of "D" (or "poor").
And last, but not least, we have Georgia, again a teacher's pet by
comparison. It ranked as the only South Caucasus country that saw its
Freedom House score improve (from 4.93 to 4.86) and the only country
east of Ukraine to fall into the "Transitional Government or Hybrid
Regime" category.
Freedom House found that Georgia's post-2008 war pressures are
subsiding and domestic politics are migrating from the streets
into negotiations, as illustrated by a compromise deal this week on
electoral law; the group noted, though, that this year has seen an
abuse of power by police during the May 26 dispersal of an opposition
protest rally.
As with any promising pupil, however, there is room for improvement.
The judiciary system apparently remains impervious to attempts to
bolster its independence, while international organizations are
scratching their heads over how to improve media professionalism and
civil society's role in policy formulation.
The post-Saakashvili future also remains a gaping unknown; the report
asks whether President Mikheil Saakashvili will pull a Putin once
his term ends in 2013; i.e. will he stay in power as prime minister,
like Russia's Vladimir Putin did.
From: Baghdasarian