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RUSSIAN PUNDIT SEES ETHNIC, CAUCASUS ISSUES LEADING TO "SYSTEMIC DISASTER"
by Yuliya Latynina
Yezhednevnyy Zhurnal
July 12 2011
Russia
Among the people/Dear Russian citiziens": "A hybrid of Kushchevka and the Manezh
[translated from Russian]
I actually already formulated this very simple rule once: where drivers
are not in the habit of obeying road markers, speed limits, and signs,
traffic is regulated by the lamp post. Which the especially lively
ones crash into.
A typical example is Matvey Urin, the owner of a bunch of small
money-laundering banks, who ordered his bodyguards to beat up a
Dutchman who had cut him off. It is not known how many times Urin
had done this, but on this occasion the Dutchman turned out to be
Putin's son-in-law. Urin went to jail.
Another example is the village of Kushchevka. The Tsapok gang lived
there and instilled fear in all the villagers. They murdered and raped
and confiscated land. Everyone knew it. Everyone was silenced. If
someone complained, he wound up in jail or in the cemetery. On his
desk, they say, Tsapok had photographs of the owner of the house
embracing Tkachev; however, it was not the kray governor, but his
brother.
And then one day they sent out interns to kill a farmer that they
were sick of. But it turned out to be a whole company there. And this
happened at the height of the Khodorkovskiy trial. But Moscow, which
urgently needed something to knock down the subject of Khodorkovskiy,
could not have cared less about the connections of some guy named
Tsapok. And Tsapok went to jail. (It is true that the system is now
taking its revenge - the gang members are being let out one by one:
Tsepovyaz has already been released).
Attention, here is a question: imagine that Urin was a Caucasian and
the victim was not Putin's son-in-law but, say, a girl blogger. That
would turn out to be the lamp post, only already ideally suited for
the slogan "F-ck the Caucasus," which is sounding louder and louder
these days.
Or imagine that Tsapok had an Armenian, not a Slavic name, which
can easily happen in Krasnodar Kray. Do you picture it? The Manezh
is resting.
Really, the same thing as in Kushchevka happened in the Ural town of
Sagra. The locals attacked a Gypsy who was selling drugs, and he sent
15 cars full of Azeris to get even. (By the way, this is very typical
for Azeris - I think it would be hard to find 15 cars of Chechens or
Dagestanis to settle scores for the drug-selling Gypsy.) Along the
way the Azeris shot up a car full of pensioner-gardeners and beat up
a motorcyclist.
Well, maybe they would not have killed anyone in the town. Maybe
they would only have beaten them up, but the cops - who, judging by
their statements, consider it a matter of honour to cover the drug
dealer and the dead nephew of a thief in the law - would have shut
the townspeople's mouths.
But the inhabitants of the town met the troublemakers with gunfire, and
then ran to the City without Drugs Foundation. And Yevgeniy Royzman,
the director of the Foundation, is one of the few people whose voice
is listened to in Russia. And he is a man who has earned the right
to call scum scum. And what came about was a hybrid of Kushchevka
and the Manezh.
The ethnic question and the Caucasian question are more and more
turning into a systemic disaster. This is a matter of the survival
of the Putin regime. The regime understands this but it cannot do
anything, like a gaping motorist cannot get out of a snowdrift on ice.
It cannot do anything or three reasons. For one, the vegetative nervous
system of the contemporary government is organized in such a way that
the precinct officer or lieutenant in the local area reacts to just
two stimuli: money and administrative resources. The drug dealer,
the thief in the law, and the big-time Chechen in the big car with
the license plate KRA (Kadyrov, Ramzan Akhmatovich) have both the one
and the other, but the ordinary patsies do not have either, so every
time the victim proves to be "non-Russian," the question arises in
its full glory.
For two, the government itself persistently encouraged fascism in
its ugliest forms. Already during the investigation of the murder
of Markelov and Baburova testimony was heard to the effect that the
murderers' overseer had ties to the president's staff. And judging
by everything, these ties were not terminated after the murders. The
name of this same person surfaced again after the search phase of the
case of the assault on Kommersant journalist Oleg Kashin was completed.
For three, a source of blind irritation to the Russian nationalists
(and not just the nationalists) is the ever-increasing might of the
Chechen authorities. Ramzan Kadyrov won the war between Russia and
Chechnya. The existence of Kadyrov is the only reason that acts of
terrorism occur in Moscow once a year, not once a month. Therefore
Kadyrov is untouchable and irreplaceable. Both he and his entourage
know very well: the untouchable always becomes the all-powerful.
The Russian authorities have no way out of this impasse. They drove
themselves into it. They were driven there by the total collapse of
the law enforcement system. By the encouraging of fascists and other
Seliger types, by the ceaseless cries of "enemies surrounding us."
They were driven there, finally, by their Caucasus policy, which comes
down to paying tribute to Chechnya in exchange for tranquillity in
Moscow and it comes down to absolute chaos and growth of the influence
of extremists in all the other republics where Moscow cannot uphold
the law and fears the creation of a strong leader equal in greatness
to Kadyrov.
The only medicine against fascism (and this means fascism from both
sides, for Caucasian fascism is just as much a problem as Russian
fascism) is to create normal silovoy [security] structures that work
to protect citizens' rights and to uphold the law.
Russia should fight drug trafficking and the Gypsy who was dealing in
Sagra should get 20 years, not summon his punitive detachments. Russia
should have a special service capable of fighting the terrorists, and
it should not be necessary to subcontract this to Ramzan Kadyrov. The
country should have a normal army that, if necessary, can be sent to
the Caucasus to restore law and order, not to cause a bloodbath.
In other words, Russia should have a state, not a gang of crooks who
work to secure the financial interests of the Gunvor Company and its
ilk and allow their minions to feed off everything else.
by Yuliya Latynina
Yezhednevnyy Zhurnal
July 12 2011
Russia
Among the people/Dear Russian citiziens": "A hybrid of Kushchevka and the Manezh
[translated from Russian]
I actually already formulated this very simple rule once: where drivers
are not in the habit of obeying road markers, speed limits, and signs,
traffic is regulated by the lamp post. Which the especially lively
ones crash into.
A typical example is Matvey Urin, the owner of a bunch of small
money-laundering banks, who ordered his bodyguards to beat up a
Dutchman who had cut him off. It is not known how many times Urin
had done this, but on this occasion the Dutchman turned out to be
Putin's son-in-law. Urin went to jail.
Another example is the village of Kushchevka. The Tsapok gang lived
there and instilled fear in all the villagers. They murdered and raped
and confiscated land. Everyone knew it. Everyone was silenced. If
someone complained, he wound up in jail or in the cemetery. On his
desk, they say, Tsapok had photographs of the owner of the house
embracing Tkachev; however, it was not the kray governor, but his
brother.
And then one day they sent out interns to kill a farmer that they
were sick of. But it turned out to be a whole company there. And this
happened at the height of the Khodorkovskiy trial. But Moscow, which
urgently needed something to knock down the subject of Khodorkovskiy,
could not have cared less about the connections of some guy named
Tsapok. And Tsapok went to jail. (It is true that the system is now
taking its revenge - the gang members are being let out one by one:
Tsepovyaz has already been released).
Attention, here is a question: imagine that Urin was a Caucasian and
the victim was not Putin's son-in-law but, say, a girl blogger. That
would turn out to be the lamp post, only already ideally suited for
the slogan "F-ck the Caucasus," which is sounding louder and louder
these days.
Or imagine that Tsapok had an Armenian, not a Slavic name, which
can easily happen in Krasnodar Kray. Do you picture it? The Manezh
is resting.
Really, the same thing as in Kushchevka happened in the Ural town of
Sagra. The locals attacked a Gypsy who was selling drugs, and he sent
15 cars full of Azeris to get even. (By the way, this is very typical
for Azeris - I think it would be hard to find 15 cars of Chechens or
Dagestanis to settle scores for the drug-selling Gypsy.) Along the
way the Azeris shot up a car full of pensioner-gardeners and beat up
a motorcyclist.
Well, maybe they would not have killed anyone in the town. Maybe
they would only have beaten them up, but the cops - who, judging by
their statements, consider it a matter of honour to cover the drug
dealer and the dead nephew of a thief in the law - would have shut
the townspeople's mouths.
But the inhabitants of the town met the troublemakers with gunfire, and
then ran to the City without Drugs Foundation. And Yevgeniy Royzman,
the director of the Foundation, is one of the few people whose voice
is listened to in Russia. And he is a man who has earned the right
to call scum scum. And what came about was a hybrid of Kushchevka
and the Manezh.
The ethnic question and the Caucasian question are more and more
turning into a systemic disaster. This is a matter of the survival
of the Putin regime. The regime understands this but it cannot do
anything, like a gaping motorist cannot get out of a snowdrift on ice.
It cannot do anything or three reasons. For one, the vegetative nervous
system of the contemporary government is organized in such a way that
the precinct officer or lieutenant in the local area reacts to just
two stimuli: money and administrative resources. The drug dealer,
the thief in the law, and the big-time Chechen in the big car with
the license plate KRA (Kadyrov, Ramzan Akhmatovich) have both the one
and the other, but the ordinary patsies do not have either, so every
time the victim proves to be "non-Russian," the question arises in
its full glory.
For two, the government itself persistently encouraged fascism in
its ugliest forms. Already during the investigation of the murder
of Markelov and Baburova testimony was heard to the effect that the
murderers' overseer had ties to the president's staff. And judging
by everything, these ties were not terminated after the murders. The
name of this same person surfaced again after the search phase of the
case of the assault on Kommersant journalist Oleg Kashin was completed.
For three, a source of blind irritation to the Russian nationalists
(and not just the nationalists) is the ever-increasing might of the
Chechen authorities. Ramzan Kadyrov won the war between Russia and
Chechnya. The existence of Kadyrov is the only reason that acts of
terrorism occur in Moscow once a year, not once a month. Therefore
Kadyrov is untouchable and irreplaceable. Both he and his entourage
know very well: the untouchable always becomes the all-powerful.
The Russian authorities have no way out of this impasse. They drove
themselves into it. They were driven there by the total collapse of
the law enforcement system. By the encouraging of fascists and other
Seliger types, by the ceaseless cries of "enemies surrounding us."
They were driven there, finally, by their Caucasus policy, which comes
down to paying tribute to Chechnya in exchange for tranquillity in
Moscow and it comes down to absolute chaos and growth of the influence
of extremists in all the other republics where Moscow cannot uphold
the law and fears the creation of a strong leader equal in greatness
to Kadyrov.
The only medicine against fascism (and this means fascism from both
sides, for Caucasian fascism is just as much a problem as Russian
fascism) is to create normal silovoy [security] structures that work
to protect citizens' rights and to uphold the law.
Russia should fight drug trafficking and the Gypsy who was dealing in
Sagra should get 20 years, not summon his punitive detachments. Russia
should have a special service capable of fighting the terrorists, and
it should not be necessary to subcontract this to Ramzan Kadyrov. The
country should have a normal army that, if necessary, can be sent to
the Caucasus to restore law and order, not to cause a bloodbath.
In other words, Russia should have a state, not a gang of crooks who
work to secure the financial interests of the Gunvor Company and its
ilk and allow their minions to feed off everything else.