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About the ties between the `deep state' in Turkey and `Ergenekon'
11:28, 3 May, 2011
YEREVAN, MAY 4, ARMENPRESS:
Starting from the 2007 first arrests by "Ergenekon" organization
raised both in the public opinion of the country and in western press
active discussions and speculations over the so-called "deep state"
issue. Part of analysts prefers to see the structure called "deep
state" in "Ergnekon", and the other part was insisting that even if
the "Ergenekon" could not been fully identified to the deep state,
nevertheless with the elimination of the mentioned institution a
serious blow was caused to the latter. Another group of analysts
joining "Ergenekon", "Murtch", "Sauna Mafia" and other revealed secret
organizations forwards the viewpoint that the ruling "Justice and
Development" party carried out a consecutive fight to get rid of deep
state structures of "the heritage of the past" and traditions.
Many of Turkish scientists and journalists are of the opinion that the
"deep state" does not exist in reality and it is a very convenient
reason to ascribe all the injustices and still undisclosed happenings
to it. Another group of scientists prefers using expression "deep
ties" instead of deep state.
What does the "deep state" mean and is it a clearly defined
institution with the necessary divisions? Or we are just speaking of
circles of influence and groups who are being united over a joint
idea. Turkey's political mind's "deep state" definition and different
speculations connected with it appeared from 1970s. The Turkish prime
minister of 1970s and 1990s Bülent Ecevit was the first to openly
speak about the deep state existing in Turkey. The 8th president of
Turkey Süleyman Demirel specified it more saying that "the deep state
is militarism".
In 1990s Turkish political analysts and historians started to
scientifically study the phenomena of deep state, its genesis and
possible role in the most noisy and fatal events.
Currently the majority of the scientists are of the opinion that
though still in Byzantine and Ottoman empires the deep groups and
traditions existed, the formation of deep state in Turkey is agreed
with the period of ruling of young Turks (1908-1918). Inside the
"Unity and Progress" party a "fidayi group" was acting which was known
for the organization of murders of political opponents. On the basis
of the group in 1913-1914 "Special organization" (TeÅ?kilat-ı Mahsusa)
was created. It is known that besides the annihilation of caravans of
the forcibly displaced Armenians during the 1915 Armenian Genocide,
the Special organization played a noticeable role in 1919-1922 in
organization of Turkish nationalistic movement.
This historic tradition of the "deep state" (tradition of young Turks)
developed in the republican Turkey transforming in the eastern states
first of all in the USA in the example of partially secret
organizations out of which in case of Turkey the more influential
became the "Special war department" created in 1950s. The latter,
according to some political analysts during the years of the cold war
was one of the important circles of the deep state.
But like during the reign of the young Turks in the example of doctor
Dr. Nazim and Dr. Behaeddin Shakir tandem, today as well while
speaking about the deep state in Turkey they mean not clearly formed
institution which has its divisions and oversight mechanisms, but
groups of impact, which being concerned with the integrity of the
state and development way unite in the same young Turks's idea "how to
save this state". This impact groups consist of big manufacturers,
high staff of the army, masson structures, middle and high circle of
bureaucracy. During the crisis moments the interests of the
influential groups and bands coincide and working out a joint program
of further development or for getting out of the crisis, they carry it
out.
So in 1980 September 12 the military revolution was preceded by the
secret meeting in 1979 in Konia with the participation of the generals
and authoritative businessmen. This gathering approved the idea of
implementing military overturn for taking the state out of the crisis.
By the way this was the demand of the business elite of the state.
In this context, in the case of "Ergenekon" one can note about the
deep state and its forces, which are a mechanism for the
implementation of the adopted decision.
In various periods the forces, used by the deep state, changed and
were noted for their wide spectrum ` from ultra-nationalists to
Islamic religious orders (tarikats).
In the 1960-70s mainly the nationalist forces, in particular the
National Movement Party and the Grey Wolves organization, which is
considered the party's youth wing, yet is a separate establishment,
played such a role. In the 1980s the right-oriented organized crime
godfathers were used for settling a number of political issues,
especially in the fight against ASALA. A "social demand atmosphere",
where the associations, following Ataturk's ideas, played a major
role, was created before the February 28, 1997 coup d'état. General
Veli Kucuk and other leaders or members of "Ergenekon" were used in
the fight against "The Workers' Party of Kurdistan (PKK)" in the
1990s.
There are taboos in Turkey's political and social life: the majority
is aware of those taboos, yet prefers not to discuss them. The issue
of the forces and persons, used by the deep state, is one of such
taboos.
In the modern Turkish history and literature the symbol of that
situation became Yakub Cemil, activist of the Committee of Union and
Progress. During the 1913 Young Turk Revolution he killed Minister of
War Nazim Pasha and remained unpunished. When underestimating his
power he started 1916 preparation work for a coup, he was detained
immediately and, despite Enver's order, was shot. Colonel Talat
Aydemir, activist of the May 27, 1960 coup d'état, made 2 unsuccessful
attempts of new coup d'états. After the first attempt he was granted a
pardon, but in the result of a quick trial after the second attempt he
was executed.
Such examples serve as a base for the reality that important and
dangerous for the state trials in Turkey do not last long for not
revealing the connection with the deep state. In Ergenekon's case that
connection was eliminated with a murder of one person.
In the Republican Turkey history there were cases, when the
organizations and forces, used by the deep state, became strong and
tended to follow their own line of action, as Yakub Cemil and Talat
Aydemir did. In the case of Ergenekon this was done by General Veli
Kucuk. The time of refusing its governance is neither Hrant Dink's
assassination nor the preparation of anti-governmental actions, but
Kucuk's statement that he did not recognize the National Oath by
Ataturk and that Azerbaijan, for example, was a Turkish territory for
him.
It is necessary to touch upon the person, who is or considered to be a
link between the deep state and the forces it used, whose name is
mentioned during the trials of the Ergenekon, organizers of Hrant
Dink's assassination and Major Muzzafer Tekin, who stood behind the
May 17, 2006 Council of State attack. This person was Muhsin
YazıcıoÄ?l, chairman of the Great Union Party (Buyuk Birlik Partisi `
BBP). The party was created on the basis of the Turkey-Islam unity
ultra-ideology. Yasin Hayal, organizer of Hrant Dink's assassination,
Muzzafer Tekin, and a number of persons, engaged in various trials,
were members of the party and all the threads were connected with one
person ` Muhsin YazıcıoÄ?l. After the September 12, 1980 coup d'état
without a court judgment Muhsin YazıcıoÄ?l spent 7.5 years in prison
and since then YazıcıoÄ?l was rumored to be used by prominent secret
forces. His name first appeared in the press during the 1979 organized
massacres by nationalists in Istanbul's Bahchelievler district and
Kahramanmarash city.
During the trials of "Ergenekon", Hrant Dink's assassination and the
above-mentioned cases, Muhsin YazıcıoÄ?l's name became widely used and
the links leading to him were revealed. Muhsin YazıcıoÄ?l unexpectedly
died in a helicopter accident on March 25, 2009. His death caused many
questions, as an investigation revealed that YazıcıoÄ?l was still alive
after the helicopter collapse, just his leg was broken: the local
authorities, in particular the Governor of Kahramanmarash, had certain
information about it and the approximate site of the accident. However
the remainder of the helicopter, the corpses of YazıcıoÄ?l and his 6
friends, who died of the frost, were found by villagers only 48 hours
later, 115 km far from the site of the search and rescue activities.
The Grand National Assembly of Turkey ad-hoc committee on YazıcıoÄ?l's
questionable death has not reached any result yet. According to some
Turkish analysts, with YazıcıoÄ?l's death the link to the Ergenekon was
eliminated.
From: A. Papazian
11:28, 3 May, 2011
YEREVAN, MAY 4, ARMENPRESS:
Starting from the 2007 first arrests by "Ergenekon" organization
raised both in the public opinion of the country and in western press
active discussions and speculations over the so-called "deep state"
issue. Part of analysts prefers to see the structure called "deep
state" in "Ergnekon", and the other part was insisting that even if
the "Ergenekon" could not been fully identified to the deep state,
nevertheless with the elimination of the mentioned institution a
serious blow was caused to the latter. Another group of analysts
joining "Ergenekon", "Murtch", "Sauna Mafia" and other revealed secret
organizations forwards the viewpoint that the ruling "Justice and
Development" party carried out a consecutive fight to get rid of deep
state structures of "the heritage of the past" and traditions.
Many of Turkish scientists and journalists are of the opinion that the
"deep state" does not exist in reality and it is a very convenient
reason to ascribe all the injustices and still undisclosed happenings
to it. Another group of scientists prefers using expression "deep
ties" instead of deep state.
What does the "deep state" mean and is it a clearly defined
institution with the necessary divisions? Or we are just speaking of
circles of influence and groups who are being united over a joint
idea. Turkey's political mind's "deep state" definition and different
speculations connected with it appeared from 1970s. The Turkish prime
minister of 1970s and 1990s Bülent Ecevit was the first to openly
speak about the deep state existing in Turkey. The 8th president of
Turkey Süleyman Demirel specified it more saying that "the deep state
is militarism".
In 1990s Turkish political analysts and historians started to
scientifically study the phenomena of deep state, its genesis and
possible role in the most noisy and fatal events.
Currently the majority of the scientists are of the opinion that
though still in Byzantine and Ottoman empires the deep groups and
traditions existed, the formation of deep state in Turkey is agreed
with the period of ruling of young Turks (1908-1918). Inside the
"Unity and Progress" party a "fidayi group" was acting which was known
for the organization of murders of political opponents. On the basis
of the group in 1913-1914 "Special organization" (TeÅ?kilat-ı Mahsusa)
was created. It is known that besides the annihilation of caravans of
the forcibly displaced Armenians during the 1915 Armenian Genocide,
the Special organization played a noticeable role in 1919-1922 in
organization of Turkish nationalistic movement.
This historic tradition of the "deep state" (tradition of young Turks)
developed in the republican Turkey transforming in the eastern states
first of all in the USA in the example of partially secret
organizations out of which in case of Turkey the more influential
became the "Special war department" created in 1950s. The latter,
according to some political analysts during the years of the cold war
was one of the important circles of the deep state.
But like during the reign of the young Turks in the example of doctor
Dr. Nazim and Dr. Behaeddin Shakir tandem, today as well while
speaking about the deep state in Turkey they mean not clearly formed
institution which has its divisions and oversight mechanisms, but
groups of impact, which being concerned with the integrity of the
state and development way unite in the same young Turks's idea "how to
save this state". This impact groups consist of big manufacturers,
high staff of the army, masson structures, middle and high circle of
bureaucracy. During the crisis moments the interests of the
influential groups and bands coincide and working out a joint program
of further development or for getting out of the crisis, they carry it
out.
So in 1980 September 12 the military revolution was preceded by the
secret meeting in 1979 in Konia with the participation of the generals
and authoritative businessmen. This gathering approved the idea of
implementing military overturn for taking the state out of the crisis.
By the way this was the demand of the business elite of the state.
In this context, in the case of "Ergenekon" one can note about the
deep state and its forces, which are a mechanism for the
implementation of the adopted decision.
In various periods the forces, used by the deep state, changed and
were noted for their wide spectrum ` from ultra-nationalists to
Islamic religious orders (tarikats).
In the 1960-70s mainly the nationalist forces, in particular the
National Movement Party and the Grey Wolves organization, which is
considered the party's youth wing, yet is a separate establishment,
played such a role. In the 1980s the right-oriented organized crime
godfathers were used for settling a number of political issues,
especially in the fight against ASALA. A "social demand atmosphere",
where the associations, following Ataturk's ideas, played a major
role, was created before the February 28, 1997 coup d'état. General
Veli Kucuk and other leaders or members of "Ergenekon" were used in
the fight against "The Workers' Party of Kurdistan (PKK)" in the
1990s.
There are taboos in Turkey's political and social life: the majority
is aware of those taboos, yet prefers not to discuss them. The issue
of the forces and persons, used by the deep state, is one of such
taboos.
In the modern Turkish history and literature the symbol of that
situation became Yakub Cemil, activist of the Committee of Union and
Progress. During the 1913 Young Turk Revolution he killed Minister of
War Nazim Pasha and remained unpunished. When underestimating his
power he started 1916 preparation work for a coup, he was detained
immediately and, despite Enver's order, was shot. Colonel Talat
Aydemir, activist of the May 27, 1960 coup d'état, made 2 unsuccessful
attempts of new coup d'états. After the first attempt he was granted a
pardon, but in the result of a quick trial after the second attempt he
was executed.
Such examples serve as a base for the reality that important and
dangerous for the state trials in Turkey do not last long for not
revealing the connection with the deep state. In Ergenekon's case that
connection was eliminated with a murder of one person.
In the Republican Turkey history there were cases, when the
organizations and forces, used by the deep state, became strong and
tended to follow their own line of action, as Yakub Cemil and Talat
Aydemir did. In the case of Ergenekon this was done by General Veli
Kucuk. The time of refusing its governance is neither Hrant Dink's
assassination nor the preparation of anti-governmental actions, but
Kucuk's statement that he did not recognize the National Oath by
Ataturk and that Azerbaijan, for example, was a Turkish territory for
him.
It is necessary to touch upon the person, who is or considered to be a
link between the deep state and the forces it used, whose name is
mentioned during the trials of the Ergenekon, organizers of Hrant
Dink's assassination and Major Muzzafer Tekin, who stood behind the
May 17, 2006 Council of State attack. This person was Muhsin
YazıcıoÄ?l, chairman of the Great Union Party (Buyuk Birlik Partisi `
BBP). The party was created on the basis of the Turkey-Islam unity
ultra-ideology. Yasin Hayal, organizer of Hrant Dink's assassination,
Muzzafer Tekin, and a number of persons, engaged in various trials,
were members of the party and all the threads were connected with one
person ` Muhsin YazıcıoÄ?l. After the September 12, 1980 coup d'état
without a court judgment Muhsin YazıcıoÄ?l spent 7.5 years in prison
and since then YazıcıoÄ?l was rumored to be used by prominent secret
forces. His name first appeared in the press during the 1979 organized
massacres by nationalists in Istanbul's Bahchelievler district and
Kahramanmarash city.
During the trials of "Ergenekon", Hrant Dink's assassination and the
above-mentioned cases, Muhsin YazıcıoÄ?l's name became widely used and
the links leading to him were revealed. Muhsin YazıcıoÄ?l unexpectedly
died in a helicopter accident on March 25, 2009. His death caused many
questions, as an investigation revealed that YazıcıoÄ?l was still alive
after the helicopter collapse, just his leg was broken: the local
authorities, in particular the Governor of Kahramanmarash, had certain
information about it and the approximate site of the accident. However
the remainder of the helicopter, the corpses of YazıcıoÄ?l and his 6
friends, who died of the frost, were found by villagers only 48 hours
later, 115 km far from the site of the search and rescue activities.
The Grand National Assembly of Turkey ad-hoc committee on YazıcıoÄ?l's
questionable death has not reached any result yet. According to some
Turkish analysts, with YazıcıoÄ?l's death the link to the Ergenekon was
eliminated.
From: A. Papazian