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The Armenian Genocide, The Forgotten Genocide-Part II
http://www.qgazette.com/news/2011-05-04/Front_Page/The_Armenian_Genocide_The_Forgotten_GenocidePart_I .html
May 4, 2011
In the early twentieth century a new dawn seemed to be rising over the
Ottoman Empire. Abdul Hamid II was still on the throne. However, his
power was increasingly limited by the rise of support for
constitutional government, especially as advocated by the Young Turk
reform movement.
The Young Turks represented the elite of the well educated young
generation of civilian and military professionals. They advocated
western style reforms of a secular political nature.
The Committee of Union and Progress led the movement. Its leaders
worked hard to get the support of Christian groups and the West.
Democracy was stated as a goal in opposition to a long time dictator.
In 1902 a Young Turk Congress was held in Paris with a majority of
Turkish, but also Armenian, Greek, Jewish and other representatives.
The Congress issued a resolution denouncing the oppression and
misdeeds of the Sultan's regime and calling for the establishment of a
constitutional government `which would guarantee rights for all
peoples of the Empire'.
The Young Turks stated policy was also to put an end to all massacres
of Armenians.
The main Armenian groups, including the popular Dashnak Party, issued
declarations of support for the Young Turks' program. They stated
that their goal was also constitutional reform rather than opposition
to the unity of Turkey. Expecting a birth of freedom, Armenians
actively joined the struggle against the longtime dictatorial regime.
Many were enthusiastic in hoping for a brotherhood of Turks, Armenians
and others within the Empire. Even some revolutionary Armenian groups
agreed to work peacefully with the Young Turks as hope for a bright
new future for Armenians seemed realizable. Many idealists among them
trusted the promises of the Young Turks and were ready to forgive the
past.
The West applauded the Young Turk movement, which by July 1908 broke
into an open military insurgency. Though this occurred over a century
ago it had remarkable similarities to the uprising against the Shah of
Iran and recent insurgencies, especially Egypt where many Coptic
Christians joined the anti-Mubarak forces with expectations of a
better future.
The western press was enthusiastic about the growing allegedly
democratic Turkish insurgency. European and American journals and
newspapers eagerly anticipated that a modern westernized Turkey would
develop because the reformers proclaimed that their goal was a
constitutional government.
Sultan Abdul Hamid resisted the demands for reforms and the insurgency
spread among the military. Efforts by the government to stop the
insurrection failed. On July 21, 1908 the Committee of Union and
Progress sent a telegram to the Sultan requesting the restorations of
the constitution and other changes. There was a threat of military
occupation of the capital if the Sultan did not give in. On July 24,
Abdul Hamid accepted the demands and agreed to a constitutional
government similar to those in Western Europe. Abdul Hamid would
continue as Sultan and Caliph, or religious leader, but became
essentially a figurehead.
The new regime was celebrated by many Christians and Muslims. It would
be controlled by the Committee of Union and Progress and so came in
with very high expectations. Henry Morgenthau, United States
Ambassador to the Ottoman Empire, described the era of good feelings
that then seemed to be germinating between Young Turk leaders and
Armenians, demonstrating once again how hope springs eternal in the
hearts of men.
However, everybody was not happy. Fundamentalists, especially the
conservative Society of Mohammed, wanted an end to liberal reforms
and a re-imposition of strict Islamic Law with real Sultanic rule. By
April 1909, there was an outbreak of a military and civilian
traditionalist insurgency. After a bloody struggle, the Young Turks
quickly prevailed in Istanbul and forced Abdul Hamid's abdication.
Meanwhile fundamentalist Muslims decided to target Armenians again.
By now, they were the favorite scapegoats of fanatical Muslims and
supernationalist Turks. Most affected were Armenians in the rich
agricultural district of Adana and the region of Cilicia. They were
blamed for the support that Armenian leaders had given to the reform
movement. There was also jealousy of the wealth of many Armenians.
Some held Muslim mortgages, causing anger that Armenian merchants and
craftsmen in the area were more prosperous than the local Turks.
Adana exploded in an orgy of blood and violence around the Paschal
period in April 1909.
Turkish mobs rampaged in Adana, killing thousands of Armenians and
looting their property. They claimed that Armenians were revolting
and that they were saving the state. Of course, there was no such
revolt, though some Armenians did fight back to save their lives. But
self defense was looked upon as a rebellion. Many of the zealots
seemed to believe that if they wanted to kill or enslave Armenians,
the latter must submit like sheep to the slaughter.
Resistance inflamed the attackers' passions even more. Women and
children were targeted in large numbers. An Armenian boy could grow
to be a fighter. A woman could give birth to enemies of the Ottoman
Empire. That many of the attackers were also anti-Christian is
indicated by their making churches and clerics a frequent target. Two
American missionaries were murdered. The New York Times reported that
at least 19 Protestant ministers were killed.
After prevailing in Constantinople, the Young Turks sent their army to
quell the Adana fighting. Armenians believed that they would now be
rescued since the arriving military was commanded by their reformist
Young Turk allies. But their expectations were not fulfilled. The
troops, upon arrival, claimed Armenians had fired on them. This was
unlikely as Armenians had accepted a ceasefire and surrendered many
weapons at the instigation of the British. The Turkish army, together
with mobs of Islamic hardliners now commenced an even greater cycle of
slaughtering Armenians and destroying Christian schools and churches
of all kinds. Turkish soldiers set fire to the Mousheghian School, a
Christian institution. It housed students and two thousand refugees.
Many who sought to escape were shot by soldiers. The fires spread to
the Armenian Church packed with many refugees. To escape, a priest
led them to the French College which was also set on fire. Gregorian
Catholic and Protestant Churches were also burned down.
Taner Akcam, a Turkish historian wrote that after the slaughter was
over, a Turkish soldier wrote in a letter, `We killed thirty thousand
of the infidel dogs, whose blood flowed through the streets of Adana.'
These infidels were of course Armenians. U.S. Ambassador Morgenthau
recorded that by the end of the murderous rampage at Adana `35,000
people were destroyed'. Nearly all were Armenians. The terror spread
from Adana throughout many other areas occupied by Armenians in Asia
Minor and parts of Syria. The New York Times reported that mobs
rampaged through the ancient Christian city of Antioch and
`practically wiped out' the Armenians of the city and the vicinity.
Thousands of helpless Armenians - women and children were left as
destitute survivors.
In Tarsus, the home of Saint Paul, the Armenian quarter was burned
down and churches were sacked. Massacres were `raging in the
neighboring Armenian villages'.
In the Alexandretta district all the Armenian villages were being
devastated. Some 200 Armenian villages and small towns were reported
destroyed in Anatolia. The death count overall was clearly much larger
that the Adana toll. The true figures will never be known. Many
western foreigners were caught up in the danger zones during the
widespread massacres. In Constantinople itself perhaps the most
prominent was Mary Custis Lee, the daughter of General Robert E. Lee.
This prompted several countries including the United States and Great
Britain to send warships to the area to protect their citizens. The
arrival of western naval forces was a clear potential threat to the
Ottoman government that if the killings continued, military
intervention would take place. Much of the leading U.S. press, like
the New York Times, was in fact calling for Western military
intervention. American and European public opinion became
increasingly inflamed against the atrocities. Even U.S. President
[William Howard] Taft vigorously condemned them and the threat of
intervention became more feasible. Consequently, the Young Turks made
certain to stop the killings. In addition, for the first and perhaps
last time, several Turkish government leaders publicly admitted and
condemned the atrocities. This is something they would not do today
as denial of blame has been official Turkish policy for close to a
century. The Young Turk government also put on trial many men charged
with the atrocities. After conviction, one hundred twenty four Turks
and seven Armenians were executed for crimes during the massacres.
Despite the most recent horrors endured by Armenians, many of them
hoped for peace and good relations between Turks and Christians, of
whom they were still the largest remaining Ottoman group. For several
years this seemed possible. During World War I everything changed.
It had seemed that things could not get worse for Armenians, but they
did.
About Miljan Peter Ilich
Historian and filmmaker, Miljan Peter Ilich has eight feature length
films, many documentaries and a number of short subjects to his credit
as producer. Among them is the controversial ArtWatch, a collaboration
with the late Professor James Beck of Columbia University, Frank Mason
of the Art Students League of New York and director James Aviles
Martin and TCI: the First Hundred Years commissioned by Technical
Career Institutes. Other documentary film credits include Chios
1822: Martyrdom and Resurrection of a People and Cyprus: the Glory and
the Tragedy. Feature film credits include the cult film classic, I Was
a Teenage Zombie, Mothers; Unsavory Characters; What Really Frightens
You, Soft Money and the New York 3-D Sensation, Run For Cover in 3-D.
Peter Ilich has also produced for theatre and television in New York,
most notably the acclaimed play Struck Down, about the 1994 Baseball
season. He is the co-host, writer and co- producer of Orthodox
Christian Television's `Chios: the Island of Saints'; `Cyprus: the
Glory and the Tragedy'; `The Sacred Land of Kosovo' and frequent
panelist on Democracy in Crisis.
Dr. Ilich is a Juris Doctor, New York University and PhD. City
University of New York and is a Professor of Law at Technical Career
Institutes in New York City.
From: A. Papazian
http://www.qgazette.com/news/2011-05-04/Front_Page/The_Armenian_Genocide_The_Forgotten_GenocidePart_I .html
May 4, 2011
In the early twentieth century a new dawn seemed to be rising over the
Ottoman Empire. Abdul Hamid II was still on the throne. However, his
power was increasingly limited by the rise of support for
constitutional government, especially as advocated by the Young Turk
reform movement.
The Young Turks represented the elite of the well educated young
generation of civilian and military professionals. They advocated
western style reforms of a secular political nature.
The Committee of Union and Progress led the movement. Its leaders
worked hard to get the support of Christian groups and the West.
Democracy was stated as a goal in opposition to a long time dictator.
In 1902 a Young Turk Congress was held in Paris with a majority of
Turkish, but also Armenian, Greek, Jewish and other representatives.
The Congress issued a resolution denouncing the oppression and
misdeeds of the Sultan's regime and calling for the establishment of a
constitutional government `which would guarantee rights for all
peoples of the Empire'.
The Young Turks stated policy was also to put an end to all massacres
of Armenians.
The main Armenian groups, including the popular Dashnak Party, issued
declarations of support for the Young Turks' program. They stated
that their goal was also constitutional reform rather than opposition
to the unity of Turkey. Expecting a birth of freedom, Armenians
actively joined the struggle against the longtime dictatorial regime.
Many were enthusiastic in hoping for a brotherhood of Turks, Armenians
and others within the Empire. Even some revolutionary Armenian groups
agreed to work peacefully with the Young Turks as hope for a bright
new future for Armenians seemed realizable. Many idealists among them
trusted the promises of the Young Turks and were ready to forgive the
past.
The West applauded the Young Turk movement, which by July 1908 broke
into an open military insurgency. Though this occurred over a century
ago it had remarkable similarities to the uprising against the Shah of
Iran and recent insurgencies, especially Egypt where many Coptic
Christians joined the anti-Mubarak forces with expectations of a
better future.
The western press was enthusiastic about the growing allegedly
democratic Turkish insurgency. European and American journals and
newspapers eagerly anticipated that a modern westernized Turkey would
develop because the reformers proclaimed that their goal was a
constitutional government.
Sultan Abdul Hamid resisted the demands for reforms and the insurgency
spread among the military. Efforts by the government to stop the
insurrection failed. On July 21, 1908 the Committee of Union and
Progress sent a telegram to the Sultan requesting the restorations of
the constitution and other changes. There was a threat of military
occupation of the capital if the Sultan did not give in. On July 24,
Abdul Hamid accepted the demands and agreed to a constitutional
government similar to those in Western Europe. Abdul Hamid would
continue as Sultan and Caliph, or religious leader, but became
essentially a figurehead.
The new regime was celebrated by many Christians and Muslims. It would
be controlled by the Committee of Union and Progress and so came in
with very high expectations. Henry Morgenthau, United States
Ambassador to the Ottoman Empire, described the era of good feelings
that then seemed to be germinating between Young Turk leaders and
Armenians, demonstrating once again how hope springs eternal in the
hearts of men.
However, everybody was not happy. Fundamentalists, especially the
conservative Society of Mohammed, wanted an end to liberal reforms
and a re-imposition of strict Islamic Law with real Sultanic rule. By
April 1909, there was an outbreak of a military and civilian
traditionalist insurgency. After a bloody struggle, the Young Turks
quickly prevailed in Istanbul and forced Abdul Hamid's abdication.
Meanwhile fundamentalist Muslims decided to target Armenians again.
By now, they were the favorite scapegoats of fanatical Muslims and
supernationalist Turks. Most affected were Armenians in the rich
agricultural district of Adana and the region of Cilicia. They were
blamed for the support that Armenian leaders had given to the reform
movement. There was also jealousy of the wealth of many Armenians.
Some held Muslim mortgages, causing anger that Armenian merchants and
craftsmen in the area were more prosperous than the local Turks.
Adana exploded in an orgy of blood and violence around the Paschal
period in April 1909.
Turkish mobs rampaged in Adana, killing thousands of Armenians and
looting their property. They claimed that Armenians were revolting
and that they were saving the state. Of course, there was no such
revolt, though some Armenians did fight back to save their lives. But
self defense was looked upon as a rebellion. Many of the zealots
seemed to believe that if they wanted to kill or enslave Armenians,
the latter must submit like sheep to the slaughter.
Resistance inflamed the attackers' passions even more. Women and
children were targeted in large numbers. An Armenian boy could grow
to be a fighter. A woman could give birth to enemies of the Ottoman
Empire. That many of the attackers were also anti-Christian is
indicated by their making churches and clerics a frequent target. Two
American missionaries were murdered. The New York Times reported that
at least 19 Protestant ministers were killed.
After prevailing in Constantinople, the Young Turks sent their army to
quell the Adana fighting. Armenians believed that they would now be
rescued since the arriving military was commanded by their reformist
Young Turk allies. But their expectations were not fulfilled. The
troops, upon arrival, claimed Armenians had fired on them. This was
unlikely as Armenians had accepted a ceasefire and surrendered many
weapons at the instigation of the British. The Turkish army, together
with mobs of Islamic hardliners now commenced an even greater cycle of
slaughtering Armenians and destroying Christian schools and churches
of all kinds. Turkish soldiers set fire to the Mousheghian School, a
Christian institution. It housed students and two thousand refugees.
Many who sought to escape were shot by soldiers. The fires spread to
the Armenian Church packed with many refugees. To escape, a priest
led them to the French College which was also set on fire. Gregorian
Catholic and Protestant Churches were also burned down.
Taner Akcam, a Turkish historian wrote that after the slaughter was
over, a Turkish soldier wrote in a letter, `We killed thirty thousand
of the infidel dogs, whose blood flowed through the streets of Adana.'
These infidels were of course Armenians. U.S. Ambassador Morgenthau
recorded that by the end of the murderous rampage at Adana `35,000
people were destroyed'. Nearly all were Armenians. The terror spread
from Adana throughout many other areas occupied by Armenians in Asia
Minor and parts of Syria. The New York Times reported that mobs
rampaged through the ancient Christian city of Antioch and
`practically wiped out' the Armenians of the city and the vicinity.
Thousands of helpless Armenians - women and children were left as
destitute survivors.
In Tarsus, the home of Saint Paul, the Armenian quarter was burned
down and churches were sacked. Massacres were `raging in the
neighboring Armenian villages'.
In the Alexandretta district all the Armenian villages were being
devastated. Some 200 Armenian villages and small towns were reported
destroyed in Anatolia. The death count overall was clearly much larger
that the Adana toll. The true figures will never be known. Many
western foreigners were caught up in the danger zones during the
widespread massacres. In Constantinople itself perhaps the most
prominent was Mary Custis Lee, the daughter of General Robert E. Lee.
This prompted several countries including the United States and Great
Britain to send warships to the area to protect their citizens. The
arrival of western naval forces was a clear potential threat to the
Ottoman government that if the killings continued, military
intervention would take place. Much of the leading U.S. press, like
the New York Times, was in fact calling for Western military
intervention. American and European public opinion became
increasingly inflamed against the atrocities. Even U.S. President
[William Howard] Taft vigorously condemned them and the threat of
intervention became more feasible. Consequently, the Young Turks made
certain to stop the killings. In addition, for the first and perhaps
last time, several Turkish government leaders publicly admitted and
condemned the atrocities. This is something they would not do today
as denial of blame has been official Turkish policy for close to a
century. The Young Turk government also put on trial many men charged
with the atrocities. After conviction, one hundred twenty four Turks
and seven Armenians were executed for crimes during the massacres.
Despite the most recent horrors endured by Armenians, many of them
hoped for peace and good relations between Turks and Christians, of
whom they were still the largest remaining Ottoman group. For several
years this seemed possible. During World War I everything changed.
It had seemed that things could not get worse for Armenians, but they
did.
About Miljan Peter Ilich
Historian and filmmaker, Miljan Peter Ilich has eight feature length
films, many documentaries and a number of short subjects to his credit
as producer. Among them is the controversial ArtWatch, a collaboration
with the late Professor James Beck of Columbia University, Frank Mason
of the Art Students League of New York and director James Aviles
Martin and TCI: the First Hundred Years commissioned by Technical
Career Institutes. Other documentary film credits include Chios
1822: Martyrdom and Resurrection of a People and Cyprus: the Glory and
the Tragedy. Feature film credits include the cult film classic, I Was
a Teenage Zombie, Mothers; Unsavory Characters; What Really Frightens
You, Soft Money and the New York 3-D Sensation, Run For Cover in 3-D.
Peter Ilich has also produced for theatre and television in New York,
most notably the acclaimed play Struck Down, about the 1994 Baseball
season. He is the co-host, writer and co- producer of Orthodox
Christian Television's `Chios: the Island of Saints'; `Cyprus: the
Glory and the Tragedy'; `The Sacred Land of Kosovo' and frequent
panelist on Democracy in Crisis.
Dr. Ilich is a Juris Doctor, New York University and PhD. City
University of New York and is a Professor of Law at Technical Career
Institutes in New York City.
From: A. Papazian