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TURKEY'S MYTHS, PRAGMATISM AND THE WEST
By Mark Paredes
Middle East Matters
May 9, 2011 7:00 a.m. MDT
At first glance, Turkey appears to be behaving like a spurned lover.
After reaching out to the West for half a century, it is now
turning its sights on the Muslim world, which appears to welcome its
leadership. I see this as a pragmatic move that is both a response to
anti-Turkish feelings in the European Union and an attempt to advance
Turkey's interests in a changing region.
However, until Turkey comes to terms with its past, it does not
deserve to become a member of a club of modern European nations that
have largely done so.
There is no question that Turkey has actively sought to gain respect
and acceptance over several decades by joining Western alliances. It
is a charter member of the UN, sent troops to fight in the Korean
War, joined NATO in 1952, has troops in Afghanistan (indeed, it has
commanded the coalition troops there four times), started accession
talks leading to full membership with the EU in 2005 and is a proud
member of the G-20 group of major economies.
In this May 19, 2007, photo, Turkish military cadets of the Kuleli
Military High School stand in front of a giant poster of modern
Turkey's founder Kemal Ataturk during the Youth and Sports Day
celebrations in Istanbul, Turkey.
Turkey was also a dependable American ally during the Cold War and
has sought to strengthen its relationship with the United States in
recent years. President Barack Obama spent two days in Turkey during
his first official trip abroad in 2009, and Prime Minister Erdogan
reciprocated by visiting Washington in December of that year.
While many Americans remain upset with the Turkish government for
refusing to allow U.S. troops to use the country as a staging ground
for the invasion of Iraq in 2003, this decision should be evaluated
in its proper context. Turkey had allowed U.S. planes based there to
enforce the no-fly zone over Iraq for 12 years, and it subsequently
allowed American troops to use Incirlik Air Base for the rotation of
thousands of troops in Iraq. Today the base can be used to transport
non-lethal cargo to Iraq.
Given Turkey's longstanding support for the West, what can we make
of its recent tilt towards despicable regimes like Syria and Iran,
its freezing of ties with Israel, and its attempt to play the role
of mediator in the Middle East?
It looks like the pursuit of perceived self-interest to me. Turks once
headed a great empire and believe that they have a leadership role to
play in their region. They also may feel rebuffed by their supposed
allies: Many members of the EU publicly oppose Turkish membership in
the organization and refuse to recognize Turkish rule in Cyprus. In
addition, Armenians and Kurds continually remind the world of Turkish
atrocities past and present.
Turkey's ruling party, the AKP, has been in power for over eight
years and looks set to win yet another mandate in the upcoming
June elections. Its core is the reformist faction of the Islamist
Virtue Party (banned in 2001 for violating the country's strict
mosque/state separation policy), along with several mainstream
conservative figures. (Basically, it's the Muslim version of the
Christian Democratic parties found in many European parliaments.)
While previous secular Turkish governments regarded the ayatollahs
in Teheran as a major threat, the AKP has decided to include Iran as
part of its outreach to the Muslim world. I don't like hearing the
Turkish prime minister refer to Iranian President Ahmadinejad as a
"friend" more than anyone else does, but a case can be made that this
is a pragmatic way for Turks to approach the region.
Turkey shares a long border with Iran, it has strong energy ties
to the country, and, as I outlined in my column last week, Iran's
influence in the region is growing by the day. In addition, Turkey
believes that it is necessary to work with Iran, Iraq and Syria to
ensure that the Kurds are not permitted to establish their own country.
Sadly, last year's freeze in Turkish-Israeli relations by Turkey was
perhaps the easiest governmental action to predict. Israel's deadly
attack on a flotilla carrying Turkish and international pro-Gaza
activists was the pretext for the freeze, but it doesn't take a genius
to identify the dynamic at work here.
When a predominantly Muslim country is actively reaching out to
the Muslim world, throwing the region's - if not the world's - most
unpopular country under the bus is a logical thing to do. It might also
make sense for the AKP to do this if, as some analysts have concluded,
the party is trying to rid the powerful army of foreign military allies
(i.e., the Israeli Army) in order to lessen its power.
Finally, the Turks may also have been responding to the perceived
lack of U.S. support for the current Israeli government, which has
the most incompetent foreign minister in its history.
Recent statements by European leaders on Turkey's proposed membership
in the EU have made it easy for Ankara to turn its gaze eastward.
French President Nicolas Sarkozy has declared, "I do not think
that Turkey has a place in Europe," while his German and Italian
counterparts have voiced strong opposition to the inclusion of Turkey
in their club.
Turks detect an anti-Muslim bias in these statements, and it's hard
to disagree with them. Some experts point out that it took Spain
eight years of negotiations to become a member, so the Turks need to
be more patient. One of the main impediments to Turkish membership
in the EU is Cyprus, a problem that will require not only patience,
but also pragmatism on Turkey's part.
I have always felt that the Turks were wronged on the Cyprus issue.
Yes, the Turkish military invaded northern Cyprus in 1974, but only
after a coup d'Ã~Itat backed by the Greek military junta installed
as president a fanatical Greek nationalist, Nikos Sampson, who told
the Greek press after he was deposed that had the Turkish Army not
invaded, he would have massacred the Turkish Cypriots.
The Turks had every right to invade, but the world doesn't see it
that way. Unfortunately, the world also fails to appreciate that the
Turkish Cypriots voted for the Annan Plan in 2004 (against the wishes
of their leader, it must be admitted), which would have established
a federation arrangement for the Turkish and Greek communities on
the island. The Greek Cypriots, who had been admitted to the EU the
previous year, voted against the plan.
In this May 19, 2007, photo, Turkish military cadets of the Kuleli
Military High School stand in front of a giant poster of modern
Turkey's founder Kemal Ataturk during the Youth and Sports Day
celebrations in Istanbul, Turkey. Turkey can complain about unfairness
all it wants, but here are the cold, hard facts: Greece and Cyprus
are members of the EU, and will never consent to Turkish membership
unless and until the Turks back down on Cyprus. Period. Either the
Turks want to hang onto their government in northern Cyprus, which is
recognized by no other country, or they want to join the EU. I think
the choice is an easy one to make. Anti-EU sentiment continues to
rise in Turkey, but I interpret it as an attempt by Turks to reject
a potential suitor before he can reject them.
In the end, I think that the European leaders who oppose Turkey's
membership in the EU are correct, though perhaps for a different
reason. Great nations come to terms with their history, admit mistakes
and move on. Turkey may be a strategic nation and it may be a powerful
nation, but it is not a great nation like post-WWII Germany.
A century ago the Ottoman Turkish government organized and carried out
the Armenian Genocide, yet the Turks refuse to recognize this fact,
prosecute those who question their party line and threaten governments
that attempt to recognize the genocide.
While the current state of Turkish-Kurdish relations is not always
easy to sort out, there is absolutely no doubt as to how the trouble
started: The Young Turks organized deportations, death marches,
and forced "Turkification" of Kurds during WWI, and the post-Ottoman
Turkish government tried to forcibly assimilate Kurds.
Hundreds of thousands of Kurds perished in this genocide (or ethnocide,
if you prefer). One reason why Turks are unwilling to admit that
these atrocities occurred is that some of the perpetrators were
revered heroes like Ataturk, the founder of the modern Turkish state.
There is no question that the Young Turks, including a young Ataturk,
visited horrors upon the Kurds, and I believe that Ataturk also played
a role in the Armenian Genocide.
While these actions don't negate the good that Ataturk did later on,
it reflects poorly on a Turkish state wanting to join a club of serious
nations that it can't bring itself to admit that its past leaders
weren't perfect and/or that some Turks were capable of atrocious
behavior 100 years ago.
Whether Turkey becomes a more Islamic nation should be of concern
only to Turks. After all, it's their country. Turkey's outreach to the
Muslim world, while sometimes troubling, should be seen as realpolitik
for a nation seeking more prestige and influence in the Middle East.
In this May 19, 2007, photo, Turkish military cadets of the Kuleli
Military High School stand in front of a giant poster of modern
Turkey's founder Kemal Ataturk during the Youth and Sports Day
celebrations in Istanbul, Turkey. Moreover, I believe that Turkey
is already anticipating the eventual denial of its application to
join the EU, and is pursuing Iran as an insurance policy of sorts,
given its ascendancy in the region. That said, Turkey will ultimately
have to decide whether it is willing to give up useless myths in its
quest to become a great nation.
Whether it's the useless Turkish government in northern Cyprus,
the denial of Ottoman cruelty or the glorification of all-too-human
political heroes, the Turks will have only themselves to blame if
the Europeans reject their application.
As they say in Ankara, "Ne ekersen, onu bicersin." One harvests what
one sows.
Mark Paredes served as a U.S. diplomat in Israel and Mexico,
blogs for the Jewish Journal, and will begin leading tours to
Israel next year for Morris Murdock Travel. He can be reached at
[email protected].
From: A. Papazian
By Mark Paredes
Middle East Matters
May 9, 2011 7:00 a.m. MDT
At first glance, Turkey appears to be behaving like a spurned lover.
After reaching out to the West for half a century, it is now
turning its sights on the Muslim world, which appears to welcome its
leadership. I see this as a pragmatic move that is both a response to
anti-Turkish feelings in the European Union and an attempt to advance
Turkey's interests in a changing region.
However, until Turkey comes to terms with its past, it does not
deserve to become a member of a club of modern European nations that
have largely done so.
There is no question that Turkey has actively sought to gain respect
and acceptance over several decades by joining Western alliances. It
is a charter member of the UN, sent troops to fight in the Korean
War, joined NATO in 1952, has troops in Afghanistan (indeed, it has
commanded the coalition troops there four times), started accession
talks leading to full membership with the EU in 2005 and is a proud
member of the G-20 group of major economies.
In this May 19, 2007, photo, Turkish military cadets of the Kuleli
Military High School stand in front of a giant poster of modern
Turkey's founder Kemal Ataturk during the Youth and Sports Day
celebrations in Istanbul, Turkey.
Turkey was also a dependable American ally during the Cold War and
has sought to strengthen its relationship with the United States in
recent years. President Barack Obama spent two days in Turkey during
his first official trip abroad in 2009, and Prime Minister Erdogan
reciprocated by visiting Washington in December of that year.
While many Americans remain upset with the Turkish government for
refusing to allow U.S. troops to use the country as a staging ground
for the invasion of Iraq in 2003, this decision should be evaluated
in its proper context. Turkey had allowed U.S. planes based there to
enforce the no-fly zone over Iraq for 12 years, and it subsequently
allowed American troops to use Incirlik Air Base for the rotation of
thousands of troops in Iraq. Today the base can be used to transport
non-lethal cargo to Iraq.
Given Turkey's longstanding support for the West, what can we make
of its recent tilt towards despicable regimes like Syria and Iran,
its freezing of ties with Israel, and its attempt to play the role
of mediator in the Middle East?
It looks like the pursuit of perceived self-interest to me. Turks once
headed a great empire and believe that they have a leadership role to
play in their region. They also may feel rebuffed by their supposed
allies: Many members of the EU publicly oppose Turkish membership in
the organization and refuse to recognize Turkish rule in Cyprus. In
addition, Armenians and Kurds continually remind the world of Turkish
atrocities past and present.
Turkey's ruling party, the AKP, has been in power for over eight
years and looks set to win yet another mandate in the upcoming
June elections. Its core is the reformist faction of the Islamist
Virtue Party (banned in 2001 for violating the country's strict
mosque/state separation policy), along with several mainstream
conservative figures. (Basically, it's the Muslim version of the
Christian Democratic parties found in many European parliaments.)
While previous secular Turkish governments regarded the ayatollahs
in Teheran as a major threat, the AKP has decided to include Iran as
part of its outreach to the Muslim world. I don't like hearing the
Turkish prime minister refer to Iranian President Ahmadinejad as a
"friend" more than anyone else does, but a case can be made that this
is a pragmatic way for Turks to approach the region.
Turkey shares a long border with Iran, it has strong energy ties
to the country, and, as I outlined in my column last week, Iran's
influence in the region is growing by the day. In addition, Turkey
believes that it is necessary to work with Iran, Iraq and Syria to
ensure that the Kurds are not permitted to establish their own country.
Sadly, last year's freeze in Turkish-Israeli relations by Turkey was
perhaps the easiest governmental action to predict. Israel's deadly
attack on a flotilla carrying Turkish and international pro-Gaza
activists was the pretext for the freeze, but it doesn't take a genius
to identify the dynamic at work here.
When a predominantly Muslim country is actively reaching out to
the Muslim world, throwing the region's - if not the world's - most
unpopular country under the bus is a logical thing to do. It might also
make sense for the AKP to do this if, as some analysts have concluded,
the party is trying to rid the powerful army of foreign military allies
(i.e., the Israeli Army) in order to lessen its power.
Finally, the Turks may also have been responding to the perceived
lack of U.S. support for the current Israeli government, which has
the most incompetent foreign minister in its history.
Recent statements by European leaders on Turkey's proposed membership
in the EU have made it easy for Ankara to turn its gaze eastward.
French President Nicolas Sarkozy has declared, "I do not think
that Turkey has a place in Europe," while his German and Italian
counterparts have voiced strong opposition to the inclusion of Turkey
in their club.
Turks detect an anti-Muslim bias in these statements, and it's hard
to disagree with them. Some experts point out that it took Spain
eight years of negotiations to become a member, so the Turks need to
be more patient. One of the main impediments to Turkish membership
in the EU is Cyprus, a problem that will require not only patience,
but also pragmatism on Turkey's part.
I have always felt that the Turks were wronged on the Cyprus issue.
Yes, the Turkish military invaded northern Cyprus in 1974, but only
after a coup d'Ã~Itat backed by the Greek military junta installed
as president a fanatical Greek nationalist, Nikos Sampson, who told
the Greek press after he was deposed that had the Turkish Army not
invaded, he would have massacred the Turkish Cypriots.
The Turks had every right to invade, but the world doesn't see it
that way. Unfortunately, the world also fails to appreciate that the
Turkish Cypriots voted for the Annan Plan in 2004 (against the wishes
of their leader, it must be admitted), which would have established
a federation arrangement for the Turkish and Greek communities on
the island. The Greek Cypriots, who had been admitted to the EU the
previous year, voted against the plan.
In this May 19, 2007, photo, Turkish military cadets of the Kuleli
Military High School stand in front of a giant poster of modern
Turkey's founder Kemal Ataturk during the Youth and Sports Day
celebrations in Istanbul, Turkey. Turkey can complain about unfairness
all it wants, but here are the cold, hard facts: Greece and Cyprus
are members of the EU, and will never consent to Turkish membership
unless and until the Turks back down on Cyprus. Period. Either the
Turks want to hang onto their government in northern Cyprus, which is
recognized by no other country, or they want to join the EU. I think
the choice is an easy one to make. Anti-EU sentiment continues to
rise in Turkey, but I interpret it as an attempt by Turks to reject
a potential suitor before he can reject them.
In the end, I think that the European leaders who oppose Turkey's
membership in the EU are correct, though perhaps for a different
reason. Great nations come to terms with their history, admit mistakes
and move on. Turkey may be a strategic nation and it may be a powerful
nation, but it is not a great nation like post-WWII Germany.
A century ago the Ottoman Turkish government organized and carried out
the Armenian Genocide, yet the Turks refuse to recognize this fact,
prosecute those who question their party line and threaten governments
that attempt to recognize the genocide.
While the current state of Turkish-Kurdish relations is not always
easy to sort out, there is absolutely no doubt as to how the trouble
started: The Young Turks organized deportations, death marches,
and forced "Turkification" of Kurds during WWI, and the post-Ottoman
Turkish government tried to forcibly assimilate Kurds.
Hundreds of thousands of Kurds perished in this genocide (or ethnocide,
if you prefer). One reason why Turks are unwilling to admit that
these atrocities occurred is that some of the perpetrators were
revered heroes like Ataturk, the founder of the modern Turkish state.
There is no question that the Young Turks, including a young Ataturk,
visited horrors upon the Kurds, and I believe that Ataturk also played
a role in the Armenian Genocide.
While these actions don't negate the good that Ataturk did later on,
it reflects poorly on a Turkish state wanting to join a club of serious
nations that it can't bring itself to admit that its past leaders
weren't perfect and/or that some Turks were capable of atrocious
behavior 100 years ago.
Whether Turkey becomes a more Islamic nation should be of concern
only to Turks. After all, it's their country. Turkey's outreach to the
Muslim world, while sometimes troubling, should be seen as realpolitik
for a nation seeking more prestige and influence in the Middle East.
In this May 19, 2007, photo, Turkish military cadets of the Kuleli
Military High School stand in front of a giant poster of modern
Turkey's founder Kemal Ataturk during the Youth and Sports Day
celebrations in Istanbul, Turkey. Moreover, I believe that Turkey
is already anticipating the eventual denial of its application to
join the EU, and is pursuing Iran as an insurance policy of sorts,
given its ascendancy in the region. That said, Turkey will ultimately
have to decide whether it is willing to give up useless myths in its
quest to become a great nation.
Whether it's the useless Turkish government in northern Cyprus,
the denial of Ottoman cruelty or the glorification of all-too-human
political heroes, the Turks will have only themselves to blame if
the Europeans reject their application.
As they say in Ankara, "Ne ekersen, onu bicersin." One harvests what
one sows.
Mark Paredes served as a U.S. diplomat in Israel and Mexico,
blogs for the Jewish Journal, and will begin leading tours to
Israel next year for Morris Murdock Travel. He can be reached at
[email protected].
From: A. Papazian