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WHY WASHINGTON MUST LOOK TO ANKARA
By Michael Shank
The Hill
http://thehill.com/blogs/congress-blog/foreign-policy/161613-why-washington-must-look-to-ankara
May 17 2011
DC
America has yet to figure out whether Turkey is friend or foe.
With conflicts in Libya and Afghanistan, and tsunamis in Japan and
Indonesia, Turkey's generous military and aid contribution pleases
Washington. With Armenia, Israel and Iran, however, Turkey spurns
Washington for refusing the genocide label, stalling negotiations
and opposing sanctions, respectively.
Coupled with a co-mingling of political Islam and neoliberal economic
policies, and you have Washington on alert, always angling this
ambiguous ally, edging her to go west, instead of east.
While Washington speculates that Turkey benefits from this elusiveness,
traders in Istanbul and politicos in Ankara beg to differ, citing
unreliable relations and unpredictable policymaking - which inspires
Turkic-American organizations to take members of Congress and their
staff to Turkey to fact-find. Having returned recently myself from
one such trip, it remains clear that on several fronts Turkey is
poised to please.
The world's 16th largest economy and sixth largest economy among EU
countries, Turkey wants to be bigger, better and bolder, aiming to be a
top ten economy by 2023. Operating under free-market fundamentals, with
no trading partner exempt, it is tacking towards that goal. This need
not scare the US (and which is also why Turkey wallpapers Washington's
billboards with western-friendly "Travel Turkey" advertisements and
why Kobe Bryant and Kevin Costner are spokesmen for Turkish Airlines).
If Turkey's ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) is serious about
its global aspirations, it needs to reassure skeptical westerners
that political Islam and democracy are compatible. In doing so,
Turkey will need to boost its low ranking on the Global Peace Index
(126 out of 149), in which Economist Intelligence Unit data highlights
Turkey's organized conflict, disrespect for human rights, perceived
criminality, violent crime and ease of access to small arms.
To further this, in our meetings with AKP and the opposition Republican
People's party and pro-Kurdish Peace and Democracy party, it was
evident that while much political progress has been made in ten years,
political freedoms need extending.
And as Turkey advances its goal of economic progress, it cannot view
its workforce in such expendable terms. Among the OECD's richest, the
U.S. and Turkey are nearly tied for the highest income inequality,
which brings with it the worst rates of life expectancy, social
mobility, violence, infant mortality, obesity, literacy, homicides,
incarceration, teenage pregnancy, mental illness, and drug and
alcohol addiction.
In our meetings, Turkish government officials boasted a workforce
that worked longer and for less than EU counterparts. This is not
necessarily something to brag about. To Turkey's credit, while
corporate social and environmental responsibility is relatively new
to Turkish technocrats, it is hosting the U.N. Global Compact this
month, the U.N.'s agency focused on better business practices.
Social and political progress, as well as economic growth, are very
achievable - and in the interests both of Turkey and the U.S. Among
Turkey's neighbors, the potential for Turkey to play a positive role
in diplomatic partnership with the U.S. is equally great - having
already brokered negotiations, releases and ceasefire attempts in
Yemen, Bahrain, Egypt and Libya.
Now, it's time to go further. In the case of Iran, given that few
interlocutors are left for forthcoming negotiations, Turkey remains
uniquely positioned to keep open lines of communication, essential
for preventing rogue regimes from radicalization.
>>From Islamic politics to gas imports (Iran provides one-third of
Turkey's total), Ankara's contacts with Tehran should be encouraged
by the U.S., not treated as a cause for excommunication. Another
neighbour, Syria, needs Turkey's sustained engagement, now more
than ever.
During our trip, Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan reopened
talks with Damascus to encourage reform and underline discontent
with unrest. Turkey's history and proximity with Syria, as with Iran,
affords it special envoy status; again, something to be capitalized
on, not castigated.
So, if Turkey wants to be a regional mediator, the U.S. should support
this. Few parties are so well positioned to liaise between the western
and Arab and Muslim worlds. While Qatar, Malaysia and others are keen
arbiters, Turkey has unique leverage given its role and relations in
the region.
With or without us, Turkey is moving forward - from economic
innovation , such as Erdogan's proposed Canal Istanbul, to diplomatic
intervention, such as the proposed roadmap for Libya.
Given the continued likely rejection of its application for EU
membership, Turkey is realizing that flying solo may serve its
interests best. But that only underlines the need for Washington's
attentive engagement.
Michael Shank is a doctoral candidate at George Mason University's
school for conflict analysis and resolution and serves on the board
of the National Peace Academy.
From: A. Papazian
By Michael Shank
The Hill
http://thehill.com/blogs/congress-blog/foreign-policy/161613-why-washington-must-look-to-ankara
May 17 2011
DC
America has yet to figure out whether Turkey is friend or foe.
With conflicts in Libya and Afghanistan, and tsunamis in Japan and
Indonesia, Turkey's generous military and aid contribution pleases
Washington. With Armenia, Israel and Iran, however, Turkey spurns
Washington for refusing the genocide label, stalling negotiations
and opposing sanctions, respectively.
Coupled with a co-mingling of political Islam and neoliberal economic
policies, and you have Washington on alert, always angling this
ambiguous ally, edging her to go west, instead of east.
While Washington speculates that Turkey benefits from this elusiveness,
traders in Istanbul and politicos in Ankara beg to differ, citing
unreliable relations and unpredictable policymaking - which inspires
Turkic-American organizations to take members of Congress and their
staff to Turkey to fact-find. Having returned recently myself from
one such trip, it remains clear that on several fronts Turkey is
poised to please.
The world's 16th largest economy and sixth largest economy among EU
countries, Turkey wants to be bigger, better and bolder, aiming to be a
top ten economy by 2023. Operating under free-market fundamentals, with
no trading partner exempt, it is tacking towards that goal. This need
not scare the US (and which is also why Turkey wallpapers Washington's
billboards with western-friendly "Travel Turkey" advertisements and
why Kobe Bryant and Kevin Costner are spokesmen for Turkish Airlines).
If Turkey's ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) is serious about
its global aspirations, it needs to reassure skeptical westerners
that political Islam and democracy are compatible. In doing so,
Turkey will need to boost its low ranking on the Global Peace Index
(126 out of 149), in which Economist Intelligence Unit data highlights
Turkey's organized conflict, disrespect for human rights, perceived
criminality, violent crime and ease of access to small arms.
To further this, in our meetings with AKP and the opposition Republican
People's party and pro-Kurdish Peace and Democracy party, it was
evident that while much political progress has been made in ten years,
political freedoms need extending.
And as Turkey advances its goal of economic progress, it cannot view
its workforce in such expendable terms. Among the OECD's richest, the
U.S. and Turkey are nearly tied for the highest income inequality,
which brings with it the worst rates of life expectancy, social
mobility, violence, infant mortality, obesity, literacy, homicides,
incarceration, teenage pregnancy, mental illness, and drug and
alcohol addiction.
In our meetings, Turkish government officials boasted a workforce
that worked longer and for less than EU counterparts. This is not
necessarily something to brag about. To Turkey's credit, while
corporate social and environmental responsibility is relatively new
to Turkish technocrats, it is hosting the U.N. Global Compact this
month, the U.N.'s agency focused on better business practices.
Social and political progress, as well as economic growth, are very
achievable - and in the interests both of Turkey and the U.S. Among
Turkey's neighbors, the potential for Turkey to play a positive role
in diplomatic partnership with the U.S. is equally great - having
already brokered negotiations, releases and ceasefire attempts in
Yemen, Bahrain, Egypt and Libya.
Now, it's time to go further. In the case of Iran, given that few
interlocutors are left for forthcoming negotiations, Turkey remains
uniquely positioned to keep open lines of communication, essential
for preventing rogue regimes from radicalization.
>>From Islamic politics to gas imports (Iran provides one-third of
Turkey's total), Ankara's contacts with Tehran should be encouraged
by the U.S., not treated as a cause for excommunication. Another
neighbour, Syria, needs Turkey's sustained engagement, now more
than ever.
During our trip, Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan reopened
talks with Damascus to encourage reform and underline discontent
with unrest. Turkey's history and proximity with Syria, as with Iran,
affords it special envoy status; again, something to be capitalized
on, not castigated.
So, if Turkey wants to be a regional mediator, the U.S. should support
this. Few parties are so well positioned to liaise between the western
and Arab and Muslim worlds. While Qatar, Malaysia and others are keen
arbiters, Turkey has unique leverage given its role and relations in
the region.
With or without us, Turkey is moving forward - from economic
innovation , such as Erdogan's proposed Canal Istanbul, to diplomatic
intervention, such as the proposed roadmap for Libya.
Given the continued likely rejection of its application for EU
membership, Turkey is realizing that flying solo may serve its
interests best. But that only underlines the need for Washington's
attentive engagement.
Michael Shank is a doctoral candidate at George Mason University's
school for conflict analysis and resolution and serves on the board
of the National Peace Academy.
From: A. Papazian