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OPPOSITION PARTY LEADER SPEAKS AT CHATHAM HOUSE
Tert.am
25.05.11
Raffi Hovhannisyan, the leader of the opposition Heritage party
delivered a speech at Chatham House, in London, on 10 May.
Below is an excerpt from his speech.
The Domestic Picture
It has been said before that Armenia is a nation long on history and
civilisation and short on statecraft. There is still much to do in
terms of nation and state building. There are three main challenges
for Armenia: democratisation, the strengthening of sovereignty, and
the formulation and pursuit of the country's vital interests. The jury
is still out on Armenia's progress in these three areas, particularly
the first.
In the first year of independence, Armenia was considered a frontrunner
amongst the post-Soviet states in democratisation.
However, there has been a significant falling off. Steps were not
taken to build on the positive start and consolidate the rule of law.
Since 1991 there has been no classical democratic transfer of power
where both sides recognise and accept the result and continuity is
maintained by a political machine which continues to produce and
implement policy. The fusion of power and money remains strong in
Armenia. It is important that political elites take a critical look at
their own country; Armenia should be held, and should hold itself to
the highest international standards. There should be no laissez-passer.
Armenia is again on the eve of a new electoral season. Recent months
have seen superficial indications that the ruling elite recognise
that dialogue and accommodation are important for a healthy political
culture. This is to be welcomed, but greater commitment is required
from the elites to translate the rhetoric into reality. It will also
require people power and the engagement of civil society.
Armenian elites have encouraged the population to focus on security to
the exclusion of democracy. This agenda has to be modified. Armenia
also needs to build an economy which is capable of keeping talented
young people in the country. The brain drain is a symptom of the
lack of opportunity. Armenia needs to start respecting its own
sovereignty and avoid economic and political relationships which create
dependencies. There is no problem for now with Armenia's membership
of the CSTO and the CIS, but it needs to make the transition from a
vertical to a horizontal relationship with Russia. The controlling
packet of Armenia's strategic assets and thus of its sovereign
capacity must remain at home. No one should have a controlling share
in Armenia's vital infrastructure.
One has also to question the decision to extend the lease on Russia's
base in Gyumri to 2044, ten years before the initial lease was due to
expire. By extending the lease early, and for such a long period, the
government has limited the room for manoeuvre of the next political
generation which might wish to adopt a more multi-vectored foreign
policy.
The Regional Situation
Iran is an important neighbour for Armenia. The foreign policy
positions of Iran and Armenia do not coincide on every issue. However,
Iran's approach to the Caucasus has been balanced and moderate.
As is well known, there are unfortunately no diplomatic relations
between Armenia and Azerbaijan. One should not forget that in the
early twentieth century Armenia and Azerbaijan had legations in
each others' capitals. Conflict is not inevitable between the two
countries. From Armenia's point of view, Nagorno-Karabakh is an example
of the reversal of Stalin's legacy. There are of course conflicting
narratives on Karabakh, but it is clear that it is impossible to return
to the status quo ante. Recognition is one of the options which the
international community must consider. The solution to matters such
as confidence building, return of refugees, security guarantees,
and border limitation must be reciprocal and comprehensive,
but Nagorno-Karabakh's sovereignty and integrity are worthy of
international recognition under international law: application of
the sui generis principle to Kosovo proffers a distinction without
a difference and militates against the rule of (international) law.
Armenia's most important relationship, or lack therefore, is with
Turkey. There can be no full normalization without resolving all
outstanding issues, including the Genocide and Great Dispossesion of
the Armenian people, but establishing diplomatic relations without
any preconditions whatsoever would be a mature beginning. Despite the
football diplomacy, the official position of Turkey has not changed.
Ankara still denies the Armenian Genocide, despite the overwhelming
weight of archival evidence. However, Turkish civil society has
started to challenge the official discourse. People are starting to
rediscover their Armenian identities in Turkey and to recognise a
complex shared history. The EU aspirations of all the countries in
the region should provide an impetus to achieve normalisation.
Relations between several of the countries in the region are fraught.
However, external factors should not be an impediment to internal
reform. There are many internal issues which need to be overcome. All
countries of the region should be held to the highest democratic
standards. If they meet these, they will be better placed to knock
on the doors of the world, and strengthen the regional environment.
Democracy should not be the preserve of idealists, it should be one
of the benchmarks by which we measure the success of the state.
From: Baghdasarian
Tert.am
25.05.11
Raffi Hovhannisyan, the leader of the opposition Heritage party
delivered a speech at Chatham House, in London, on 10 May.
Below is an excerpt from his speech.
The Domestic Picture
It has been said before that Armenia is a nation long on history and
civilisation and short on statecraft. There is still much to do in
terms of nation and state building. There are three main challenges
for Armenia: democratisation, the strengthening of sovereignty, and
the formulation and pursuit of the country's vital interests. The jury
is still out on Armenia's progress in these three areas, particularly
the first.
In the first year of independence, Armenia was considered a frontrunner
amongst the post-Soviet states in democratisation.
However, there has been a significant falling off. Steps were not
taken to build on the positive start and consolidate the rule of law.
Since 1991 there has been no classical democratic transfer of power
where both sides recognise and accept the result and continuity is
maintained by a political machine which continues to produce and
implement policy. The fusion of power and money remains strong in
Armenia. It is important that political elites take a critical look at
their own country; Armenia should be held, and should hold itself to
the highest international standards. There should be no laissez-passer.
Armenia is again on the eve of a new electoral season. Recent months
have seen superficial indications that the ruling elite recognise
that dialogue and accommodation are important for a healthy political
culture. This is to be welcomed, but greater commitment is required
from the elites to translate the rhetoric into reality. It will also
require people power and the engagement of civil society.
Armenian elites have encouraged the population to focus on security to
the exclusion of democracy. This agenda has to be modified. Armenia
also needs to build an economy which is capable of keeping talented
young people in the country. The brain drain is a symptom of the
lack of opportunity. Armenia needs to start respecting its own
sovereignty and avoid economic and political relationships which create
dependencies. There is no problem for now with Armenia's membership
of the CSTO and the CIS, but it needs to make the transition from a
vertical to a horizontal relationship with Russia. The controlling
packet of Armenia's strategic assets and thus of its sovereign
capacity must remain at home. No one should have a controlling share
in Armenia's vital infrastructure.
One has also to question the decision to extend the lease on Russia's
base in Gyumri to 2044, ten years before the initial lease was due to
expire. By extending the lease early, and for such a long period, the
government has limited the room for manoeuvre of the next political
generation which might wish to adopt a more multi-vectored foreign
policy.
The Regional Situation
Iran is an important neighbour for Armenia. The foreign policy
positions of Iran and Armenia do not coincide on every issue. However,
Iran's approach to the Caucasus has been balanced and moderate.
As is well known, there are unfortunately no diplomatic relations
between Armenia and Azerbaijan. One should not forget that in the
early twentieth century Armenia and Azerbaijan had legations in
each others' capitals. Conflict is not inevitable between the two
countries. From Armenia's point of view, Nagorno-Karabakh is an example
of the reversal of Stalin's legacy. There are of course conflicting
narratives on Karabakh, but it is clear that it is impossible to return
to the status quo ante. Recognition is one of the options which the
international community must consider. The solution to matters such
as confidence building, return of refugees, security guarantees,
and border limitation must be reciprocal and comprehensive,
but Nagorno-Karabakh's sovereignty and integrity are worthy of
international recognition under international law: application of
the sui generis principle to Kosovo proffers a distinction without
a difference and militates against the rule of (international) law.
Armenia's most important relationship, or lack therefore, is with
Turkey. There can be no full normalization without resolving all
outstanding issues, including the Genocide and Great Dispossesion of
the Armenian people, but establishing diplomatic relations without
any preconditions whatsoever would be a mature beginning. Despite the
football diplomacy, the official position of Turkey has not changed.
Ankara still denies the Armenian Genocide, despite the overwhelming
weight of archival evidence. However, Turkish civil society has
started to challenge the official discourse. People are starting to
rediscover their Armenian identities in Turkey and to recognise a
complex shared history. The EU aspirations of all the countries in
the region should provide an impetus to achieve normalisation.
Relations between several of the countries in the region are fraught.
However, external factors should not be an impediment to internal
reform. There are many internal issues which need to be overcome. All
countries of the region should be held to the highest democratic
standards. If they meet these, they will be better placed to knock
on the doors of the world, and strengthen the regional environment.
Democracy should not be the preserve of idealists, it should be one
of the benchmarks by which we measure the success of the state.
From: Baghdasarian