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The magic of diasporas

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  • The magic of diasporas

    The world economy

    The magic of diasporas

    Immigrant networks are a rare bright spark in the world economy. Rich
    countries should welcome them

    Nov 19th 2011 | from the print edition

    THIS is not a good time to be foreign. Anti-immigrant parties are
    gaining ground in Europe. Britain has been fretting this week over
    lapses in its border controls (see article). In America Barack Obama
    has failed to deliver the immigration reform he promised (see
    article), and Republican presidential candidates would rather
    electrify the border fence with Mexico than educate the children of
    illegal aliens. America educates foreign scientists in its
    universities and then expels them, a policy the mayor of New York
    calls `national suicide'.

    This illiberal turn in attitudes to migration is no surprise. It is
    the result of cyclical economic gloom combined with a secular rise in
    pressure on rich countries' borders. But governments now weighing up
    whether or not to try to slam the door should consider another factor:
    the growing economic importance of diasporas, and the contribution
    they can make to a country's economic growth.

    Old networks, new communications

    Diaspora networks - of Huguenots, Scots, Jews and many others - have
    always been a potent economic force, but the cheapness and ease of
    modern travel has made them larger and more numerous than ever before.
    There are now 215m first-generation migrants around the world: that's
    3% of the world's population. If they were a nation, it would be a
    little larger than Brazil. There are more Chinese people living
    outside China than there are French people in France. Some 22m Indians
    are scattered all over the globe. Small concentrations of ethnic and
    linguistic groups have always been found in surprising places - Lebanese
    in west Africa, Japanese in Brazil and Welsh in Patagonia, for
    instance - but they have been joined by newer ones, such as west
    Africans in southern China.

    These networks of kinship and language make it easier to do business
    across borders (see article). They speed the flow of information: a
    Chinese trader in Indonesia who spots a gap in the market for cheap
    umbrellas will alert his cousin in Shenzhen who knows someone who runs
    an umbrella factory. Kinship ties foster trust, so they can seal the
    deal and get the umbrellas to Jakarta before the rainy season ends.
    Trust matters, especially in emerging markets where the rule of law is
    weak. So does a knowledge of the local culture. That is why so much
    foreign direct investment in China still passes through the Chinese
    diaspora. And modern communications make these networks an even more
    powerful tool of business.

    Diasporas also help spread ideas. Many of the emerging world's
    brightest minds are educated at Western universities. An increasing
    number go home, taking with them both knowledge and contacts. Indian
    computer scientists in Bangalore bounce ideas constantly off their
    Indian friends in Silicon Valley. China's technology industry is
    dominated by `sea turtles' (Chinese who have lived abroad and
    returned).

    Diasporas spread money, too. Migrants into rich countries not only
    send cash to their families; they also help companies in their host
    country operate in their home country. A Harvard Business School study
    shows that American companies that employ lots of ethnic Chinese
    people find it much easier to set up in China without a joint venture
    with a local firm.

    Such arguments are unlikely to make much headway against hostility
    towards immigrants in rich countries. Fury against foreigners is
    usually based on two (mutually incompatible) notions: that because so
    many migrants claim welfare they are a drain on the public purse; and
    that because they are prepared to work harder for less pay they will
    depress the wages of those at the bottom of the pile.

    The first is usually not true (in Britain, for instance, immigrants
    claim benefits less than indigenous people do), and the second is hard
    to establish either way. Some studies do indeed suggest that
    competition from unskilled immigrants depresses the wages of unskilled
    locals. But others find this effect to be small or non-existent.

    Nor is it possible to establish the impact of migration on overall
    growth. The sums are simply too difficult. Yet there are good reasons
    for believing that it is likely to be positive. Migrants tend to be
    hard-working and innovative. That spurs productivity and company
    formation. A recent study carried out by Duke University showed that,
    while immigrants make up an eighth of America's population, they
    founded a quarter of the country's technology and engineering firms.
    And, by linking the West with emerging markets, diasporas help rich
    countries to plug into fast-growing economies.

    Rich countries are thus likely to benefit from looser immigration
    policy; and fears that poor countries will suffer as a result of a
    `brain drain' are overblown. The prospect of working abroad spurs more
    people to acquire valuable skills, and not all subsequently emigrate.
    Skilled migrants send money home, and they often return to set up new
    businesses. One study found that unless they lose more than 20% of
    their university graduates, the brain drain makes poor countries
    richer.

    Indian takeaways

    Government as well as business gains from the spread of ideas through
    diasporas. Foreign-educated Indians, including the prime minister,
    Manmohan Singh (Oxford and Cambridge) and his sidekick Montek
    Ahluwalia (Oxford), played a big role in bringing economic reform to
    India in the early 1990s. Some 500,000 Chinese people have studied
    abroad and returned, mostly in the past decade; they dominate the
    think-tanks that advise the government, and are moving up the ranks of
    the Communist Party. Cheng Li of the Brookings Institution, an
    American think-tank, predicts that they will be 15-17% of its Central
    Committee next year, up from 6% in 2002. Few sea turtles call openly
    for democracy. But they have seen how it works in practice, and they
    know that many countries that practise it are richer, cleaner and more
    stable than China.

    As for the old world, its desire to close its borders is
    understandable but dangerous. Migration brings youth to ageing
    countries, and allows ideas to circulate in millions of mobile minds.
    That is good both for those who arrive with suitcases and dreams and
    for those who should welcome them.

    from the print edition | Leaders

    http://www.economist.com/node/21538742

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