Sen. John Kerry Holds A Hearing On Nominations

[Kanayan Tamar]

SEN. JOHN KERRY HOLDS A HEARING ON NOMINATIONS

CQ Transcriptions
August 2, 2011 Tuesday
LLC

EVENT DATE: August 2, 2011
TYPE: COMMITTEE HEARING
LOCATION: WASHINGTON, D.C.
COMMITTEE: SENATE COMMITTE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
SPEAKER: SEN. JOHN KERRY, CHAIRMAN

WITNESSES: SEN. JOHN KERRY, D-MASS. CHAIRMAN SEN. BARBARA BOXER,
D-CALIF. SEN.

ROBERT MENENDEZ, D-N.J. SEN. BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, D-MD. SEN. BOB CASEY,
D-PA. SEN. JIM WEBB, D-VA. SEN. JEANNE SHAHEEN, D-N.H. SEN. CHRIS
COONS, D-DEL. SEN. RICHARD J. DURBIN, D-ILL. SEN. TOM UDALL, D-N.M.

SEN. RICHARD G. LUGAR, R-IND. RANKING MEMBER SEN. BOB CORKER, R-TENN.

SEN. JIM DEMINT, R-S.C. SEN. JOHNNY ISAKSON, R-GA. SEN. JOHN BARRASSO,
R-WYO. SEN. JIM RISCH, R-IDAHO SEN. JAMES M. INHOFE, R-OKLA. SEN.

MARCO RUBIO, R-FLA. SEN. MIKE LEE, R-UTAH NORMAN EISEN, NOMINATED TO
BE AMBASSADOR TO THE CZECH REPUBLIC WITNESSES: FRANCIS RICCIARDONE
JR., NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF TURKEY ROBERT FORD,
NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE SYRIAN ARAB REPUBLIC SEN. JOHN KERRY,
D-MASS. CHAIRMAN SEN. BARBARA BOXER, D-CALIF. SEN.

ROBERT MENENDEZ, D-N.J. SEN. BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, D-MD. SEN. BOB CASEY,
D-PA. SEN. JIM WEBB, D-VA. SEN. JEANNE SHAHEEN, D-N.H. SEN. CHRIS
COONS, D-DEL. SEN. RICHARD J. DURBIN, D-ILL. SEN. TOM UDALL, D-N.M.

SEN. JOHN KERRY, D-MASS. CHAIRMAN SEN. BARBARA BOXER, D-CALIF. SEN.

ROBERT MENENDEZ, D-N.J. SEN. BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, D-MD. SEN. BOB CASEY,
D-PA. SEN. JIM WEBB, D-VA. SEN. JEANNE SHAHEEN, D-N.H. SEN. CHRIS
COONS, D-DEL. SEN. RICHARD J. DURBIN, D-ILL. SEN. TOM UDALL, D-N.M.

SEN. JOHN KERRY, D-MASS. CHAIRMAN SEN. BARBARA BOXER, D-CALIF. SEN.

ROBERT MENENDEZ, D-N.J. SEN. BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, D-MD. SEN. BOB CASEY,
D-PA. SEN. JIM WEBB, D-VA. SEN. JEANNE SHAHEEN, D-N.H. SEN. CHRIS
COONS, D-DEL. SEN. RICHARD J. DURBIN, D-ILL. SEN. TOM UDALL, D-N.M.

TEXT: SHAHEEN: This hearing will come to order. Good afternoon,
everyone.

Today, we have two panels of nominees but we're doing this a little
differently today. So we're actually going to hear from all three
nominees in the first panel and then we'll do questioning of Mr. Ford
in the second panel. We're fortunate to have Senator Lugar here with
us and we want to try and accommodate his schedule as well as Senator
Lieberman's schedule.

So, on our first panel we will consider the nominations of Norman Eisen
to be Ambassador to the Czech Republic and Francis Ricciardone to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Turkey. And on our second panel, we will
be considering the nomination of Robert Ford to be Ambassador to Syria.

Senator Casey from Pennsylvania will be here. He chairs the
Subcommittee on Near Eastern Affairs and he will chair Ambassador
Ford's questioning portion of the second panel.

All on the post being considered today are critical in strengthening
U.S. influence in safeguarding American interest around the globe. I
look forward to discussing the challenges and opportunities the United
States faces in this three important countries.

Now, as I said, we're doing this a little bit differently today. And
one of the differences is that both of our nominees on the first
panel were nominated last year to serve in the same positions. I
think I chaired one of those nomination hearings last year. But those
nominations were thoroughly considered and approved by the Senate
Foreign Relations Committee and both were held up on the Senate floor
and were not ultimately confirmed by the full Senate.

Seeing the importance of having an ambassador in these critical
countries, the President chose to recess appoint both Ambassador
Ricciardone and Ambassador Eisen to their position. As a result,
the two men have been serving as ambassadors in Prague and Ankara
over the course of the last seven months.

As many of you know, a recess appointment by the President lasts for
only one calendar year. So these two men have been renominated and
the committee will reconsider their nominations.

As the Subcommittee chair on European Affairs, I was supportive of
those nominations last year and I intend to support their nominations
once again. Since both men have already been serving in these roles
will have an excellent chance to hear from them directly about the
challenges they've already seen and their plans for the future.

So, welcome back to the committee, gentlemen. Thank you both for being
willing to go through the nomination process again and to continue
to take on these difficult responsibilities at a very important time
for our country.

First today, we will consider the U.S. relationship with the Czech
Republic. As an important ally of the United States in Central Europe,
the Czech Republic has demonstrated exceptional leadership in Europe
particularly with respect to engaging the region's eastern neighborhood
and pressing for further European integration.

The Czech Republic has made some impressive contributions to
international peacekeeping efforts in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Kosovo.

In addition, the country's unique experience with democratic
transitions should provide some lessons for the United States as we
navigate the ongoing transitions in the Middle East and North Africa.

Today, we also consider the U.S. relationship with Turkey. Turkey
remains a critical NATO ally with a predominantly Muslim population
and a volatile and geopolitically strategic region of the world.

Recent events throughout the Middle East and North Africa have
increased Turkey's strategic importance as a center of power in this
complex region.

There is little doubt that Turkey will continue to play an influential
role in many of the national security threats facing the United
States. I remain a proponent of a strong bilateral relationship with
Turkey and its continued integration into Europe.

However, it is also important to recognize where we have differences.

Turkish troops continue to occupy the Island of Cyprus and the Turkish
government needs to do more to support a just solution in Cyprus.

In addition, Turkey's vote against the fourth round of sanctions on
Iran on the U.N. Security Council raises concerns that the U.S. and
Turkey do not share the same threat assessment with respect to Iran's
nuclear weapons program.

So I want to just briefly introduce our two nominees and I know that
Senator Lieberman is here to provide an introduction for Ambassador
Eisen. So I will let him do most of that introduction. And as I
mentioned previously, Senator Casey will be introducing our second
panel nominee, Ambassador Ford, when he gets here.

I want to welcome Ambassador Ricciardone who is a highly distinguished
long-time career Foreign Service officer. He is the former ambassador
to Egypt, the former deputy ambassador to Afghanistan, and he served
previously in Turkey and throughout the Middle East. He speaks a
number of languages including Turkish and Arabic.

Finally and most importantly, from my perspective, he is a graduate
of Dartmouth College in New Hampshire.

So again, congratulations to all of you on your nominations and I
appreciate your willingness to come before the Committee. As I said,
we're fortunate to have Senator Lugar who is the Ranking Member of
this committee here with us this afternoon and I know that he would
like to make a statement. Senator Lugar.

LUGAR: I am very pleased to join you, Madam Chairman, in welcoming our
nominees to three very important countries and our relationships with
these countries are excellent but we will have an opportunity to review
the events in each of the three as we welcome Ambassador Ricciardone,
Ambassador Eisen, and Ambassador Ford to this committee once again.

Turkey is at the center of several critical issues underscoring
its importance as an ally. In particular, I hope that Ambassador
Ricciardone's perspective on the recent resignations of Turkey's top
military leaders and the effect this will have on political stability
will be a part of our discussion.

Moreover, we will be interested to hear more about the dynamics
related to the upheaval in Syria, Turkey's expanding participation
in regional diplomacy, and its ongoing role in the creation of a
Southern Energy Corridor.

The Czech Republic remains a very important ally of ours in Central
Europe. We will be interested from Ambassador Eisen about ramifications
of Prague's recent announcement it will not participate in the
current plan for the European Phase Adaptive Approach to missile
defence. Regional energy interconnections and diversification in
the Czech Republic also remains fundamental to the United States and
European efforts to improve energy security for the region.

Finally, this hearing is an important opportunity for the committee
to review events in Syria. The Syrian regime appears committed to the
use of violence to suppress the will of its people. In the last few
months alone, more than 1700 people have been killed with more than
10,000 in prison. The toll on Syrian civilians including children
gets worse day by day.

Despite the regime's effort to cut off the internet, cell phones,
other forms of communications, the images continue to get out and
the world is born witness to these brutalities. The causes of peace,
stability in economic and advancement would benefit from a swift
transition to new leadership and a more represented government for
all of the Syrian people.

The alternative is almost (inaudible) of a widening violence in the
prospect of Syterian (ph) conflict. The regime of course seems intent
on playing up to prospects of Syterian (ph) strife and sought the
aide of Tehran as a means to hold on to power. We must explore ways
to work with our allies to present a clear and unequivocal message
to President al-Assad and those around him that the violence must
stop and that a credible -- rather credible political transition of
reform must begin immediately.

I know the government of Turkey has taken a strong stand in this regard
given the potential for increasing refugee flow. Syria's government and
business elite must understand the current path will only deepen their
isolation and intensify consequences for the regime and its leaders.

I look forward to our discussion with the nominees on these issues
and others they will bring forward from their vast experience in
American diplomacy. I thank you.

SHAHEEN: Thank you very much, Senator Lugar.

And Senator Lieberman, we're delighted to have you with us to introduce
Mr. Eisen.

LIEBERMAN: Thanks very much, Madam Chair, and Senator Lugar, it's an
honor to be here. I should express my appreciation to you on behalf
of the nominees that you did not join the herd leaving Washington
after the vote at noon. And thank you for convening this hearing.

I am here to introduce Ambassador Eisen. I would be remiss if I didn't
simply say that I have had the opportunity to get to know Ambassador
Ricciardone and Ambassador Ford and these are two extraordinary
public servants, great representative -- great courageous and formed
representatives of the United States in the countries on which they
have served and are serving now.

I am really honored to be here to introduce Norman Eisen. This
is not a political duty. It is really a personal pleasure because
Ambassador Eisen and his wife, Lindsay, and his daughter, Tamar, are
personal friends of mine and my family. And as -- as you mentioned --
I guess the reason I'm asked is that Norman is one of those stateless
people who lives in Washington D.C. So I occasionally do double duty
by introducing such people.

As you mentioned, Senator Shaheen, Ambassador Eisen was nominated
and given a recess appointment to this point at the end of last year.

Prior to his nomination, he had a distinguished career as a lawyer here
in Washington and then was special council for ethics in governmental
reform in the White House.

I regret that it was necessary for the President to make a recess
appointment in this case but perhaps there is a silver lining here
and that we can now judge Ambassador Eisen based on his performance
over the past six months and that from all that I have heard has been
really exemplary.

Since arriving in Prague, Ambassador Eisen has been to a whirlwind of
activity, winning (inaudible) from everyone from the Czech government
to the American Chamber of Commerce whose leader has said and I quote,
"In your short time in the country, you have already made a significant
impact and you have proven to be one of the most effective ambassadors
to hold this post."

He has been a tireless advocate for America's national interest in
the Czech Republic whether with regard to imposing sanctions against
Iran or winning contracts for American companies.

And with your permission I would like to insert in the record a list
of essentially thank you and testimonials from American companies
who have been doing business in the Czech Republic.

SHAHEEN: Without objection.

LIEBERMAN: For more than two years before Ambassador Eisen arrived
in Prague, the U.S. had no ambassador in the Czech Republic which
spurred doubts and fears among our Czech allies and as you said they
have really been great allies about our commitment to their country.

This is not a situation that we and our national interest should
repeat. So I hope that we can confirm -- give a full conformation
to Ambassador Eisen this time. The Czech Republic has been an
extraordinary partner and ally of the U.S. from the wars in Iraq and
Afghanistan to the promotion of democracy worldwide.

The Czechs are really now among our best friends and allies in
Europe and they deserve to have an ambassador from our country that
is confirmed by the full senate.

Finally, as you may know, Norman Eisen has a deep personal connection
to the Czech Republic his mother having been born there. Both and
she and his father survived the holocaust and it is indeed a profound
historical justice -- an act of justice that the ambassador's residence
in Prague which was originally built by a Jewish family that was forced
to flee Prague by the Nazis who in turn the Nazis took over that house
as their headquarters now 70 years later is occupied by Norman and
his family and I might -- an appointed personal privilege that he --
they observed the Sabbath there every Friday night and Saturday.

So if you need any evidence that there is a God, I offer that to you.

The story of Norm Eisen and his family and their path back to Europe
is a classic American story, a reflection of what our country is about
at its very best and that is also precisely why the Ambassador has
proven such an effective representative of our nation, our interest,
and our values. And again, I hope the committee can lead the Senate
in sending him back to Prague as our ambassador as quickly as possible.

Thank you very much for this opportunity.

LUGAR: Madam Chairman, are there members of the families of the
Ambassadors that are here?

LIEBERMAN: They are.

SHAHEEN: Yes. I -- I think we should ask as you're giving your
testimonies, Ambassador Eisen and Ricciardone, that you should feel
free to introduce your family and let us welcome them as well.

LIEBERMAN: Thank you, Madam Chair and Senator Lugar.

SHAHEEN: Thank you, Senator Lieberman. Thank you especially for
sharing the last story about the residence of the ambassador.

As I said, we are going to begin the panel with Ambassadors Ricciardone
and Eisen and we will also be hearing the opening statement from
Ambassador Ford and then we will save his question and answer
period for the second panel. So I will ask you if you could begin,
Mr. Eisen. And again, feel free to introduce family or friends who
are here with you.

EISEN: Madam Chair, Senator Lugar, Senator Coons, Members of
the Committee, thank you for the opportunity to be here again in
connection with my nomination by President Obama to continue serving
as the United States Ambassador to the Czech Republic. I am honored to
have the confidence and trust of the President, of Secretary Clinton
in representing our country.

Since you asked, I would like to introduce my wife, Lidsay Kaplan,
an Associate Professor of English at Georgetown University, and our
daughter, Tamar.

In representing the United States in Prague is a family effort and
I believe that the Czech people have come to appreciate my family as
much as I do, well almost as much as I do.

When I was last before the Committee, I reflected upon my extraordinary
good fortune as a first-generation American. From the vantage point
of our small fast-food restaurant in Los Angeles where I grew up, my
mother, a Czech -- Czechoslovak Holocaust survivor, and my father,
an immigrant from Poland, could never have imagined that their son
would someday serve as a United States ambassador.

As Senator Lieberman noted and my mother put it recently, just
little more (inaudible), "The Nazis took us away in cattle cars,
and now my son has returned representing the mightiest nation on
earth." As that sentiment suggests, my mission in the Czech Republic
is strongly informed by my deep sense of obligation to this country,
to the United States.

Since my arrival in Prague in January, I have worked with a talented
embassy team in three principal areas.

First, the defense and security relationship between the two countries;
second, commercial and economic ties; and third, shared values,
particularly the shared values of good governance and of civil rights
for all. In each area the relationship was good but we have worked with
the Czech government, with officials across the political spectrum,
with Czech civil society, and with the Czech people to make it great.

In the defense and security realm, the Czechs are staunch allies. Over
the past year, they increased their contributions in Afghanistan to
over 700 soldiers and civilians. Czech personnel operate in some of
the most dangerous parts of the country, and have suffered numerous
casualties there

When I recently visited Afghanistan to thank Czech and U.S. personnel
for their service, U.S. soldiers that I have met gave the Czechs high
praise that included General Petraeus who explained the critically
important responsibilities that our Czech allies are carrying out
side by side and day by date with their U.S. Partners in Afghanistan.

The Czechs are also a staunch friend of Israel and a strong supporter
of U.S. policy towards Iran; they are one of our very best allies in
Europe on those issues and across the board

In their own neighborhood, the Czech Republic is a leading advocate
within the European Union for countries like Georgia, Ukraine and
Moldova through the EU's Eastern Partnership Initiative. Elsewhere,
from Cuba to Burma to Belarus to North Korea, the Czechs are champions
of human rights. We in Embassy Prague are proud to work with our
Czech partners on these issues.

Looking ahead to the future of our defense and strategic partnership,
we are broadening our security cooperation, developing an approach
that goes beyond any single narrow focus to one with multiple areas
of specialized cooperation where the Czechs excel. The Czechs are
world-class strategic partners in areas ranging from helicopters
to Chemical Biological Radiological and Nuclear mitigation to PRTs,
Provincial Reconstruction Teams.

In the economic and commercial area, Embassy Prague has actively
advocated for American business during my tenure. We have an open
door for U.S. firms, and I have met with dozens of American companies,
from the very largest to the smallest.

When they have concerns in the Czech Republic, we vigorously work
to resolve them, engaging all the way up to the highest levels of
government if necessary. I have also encouraged Czech investment in
the U.S., travelling with government officials and Czech businesses to
scout business opportunities here that will generate good, high-paying
jobs in the United States.

In our commercial and economic work, we have particularly emphasized
civil nuclear cooperation. The Czechs have six operating nuclear
reactors and are planning an expansion worth up to $27.5 billion;
is one of the largest opportunities for U.S. business of its kind
anywhere in the world. If Westinghouse, the U.S. competitor, wins
that bid, it will mean an estimated 9,000 new good jobs in the United
States -- across the United States

To support that bid, we have adapted a whole of government approach
here in the United States and with Embassy Prague to establish a broad
civil nuclear strategic partnership between our two countries. So
from fostering new relations between U.S. and Czech R&D facilities,
to making regulatory exchanges, to working together to improve nuclear
safety, our two nations are building a model civil nuclear relationship
for the 21st century.

My third area of emphasis has been the shared values that bind our
two countries together. Czech and Slovak national aspirations in the
20th Century were first realized by the Pittsburgh and Washington
declarations signed right here in the United States after World
War I by President Wilson's great friend and Czechoslovakia's first
president, a revered name in my home growing up, Tomas Masaryk

The United States helped liberate Czechoslovakia from the Nazis,
supported the resistance against Communism, and then helped transform
the goals of the Velvet Revolution into reality. I have carried
that message of friendship, the length and breadth of the country,
visiting almost 20 cities and regions outside of Prague in just about
six months on the job.

My message is one of warm friendship but also candor: I have supported
the initiatives of those in the Czech government, the opposition, NGOs,
business and the Czech public who are working for good government
and against corruption. I believe we are building a model in Prague
of how to respectfully but forcefully engage on those issues.

We have also worked with the Czech government to promote equal rights
and opportunities for all Czech citizens, irrespective of their origin
or faith, including the Roma. My presence in Prague as the child of
a Czechoslovak victim of Nazi persecution is by itself a powerful
message in the fight against extremism and for human rights. Working
with the talented interagency team at Embassy Prague, I have taken
every opportunity to engage with the Czech people and their government
to advance our common goals and values.

I am so, so honored to be asked to represent our country and our
government. Madam Chair and Members of the Committee, thank you for
this opportunity to appear before you. I welcome any questions you
may have.

SHAHEEN: Thank you very much. Before we go on to Ambassador
Ricciardone, I want to just recognize I understand the Ambassador
from the Czech Republic to the United States is in the audience. So
I want to recognize him. Very nice to have you join us and I don't
know if there are any other members of the Diplomatic Core here but
welcome to all of you.

So, Ambassador Ricciardone.

RICCIARDONE: Madam Chair, Members of the Committee, I am very honored
to appear before you today as President Obama's nominee as Ambassador
to the Republic of Turkey, having as you mentioned served in that
capacity as a recess appointee since this past January. I am grateful
to the President and Secretary Clinton for their trust and confidence
in me.

And with me today is my wife and life partner, Marie, whom I married in
Enfield, New Hampshire almost four decades ago, who's been my partner
throughout our Foreign Service adventures in Turkey and long before
in Iran and everywhere else. She is with me, and our daughters are
unable to join us but we all have family connections to Turkey and a
great fondness to that country. Maria studied and taught there as well.

During my 33-year career in the Foreign Service, I have had the
pleasure and the privilege of having served in Turkey previously
three times and through this periods I have observed Turkey's
continuing transformation into a more democratic and more open and
more economically vibrant, modern state and as a player with growing
influence on the world stage.

Throughout this change in development, has been one constant and that
has been Turkey's continues commitment to its partnership with the
United States and the NATO alliance. It is also a member of the G-20
now and having one of the fastest growing economies in the world.

And noting Turkey's history as a majority Muslim nation and as a
secular democracy that respects the rule of law, President Obama
has cited Turkey's critical role in helping to shape the mutual
understanding and stability not only in its neighborhood, but around
the world.

If confirmed, I will continue to do everything I can to reinforce
Turkish-American cooperation in support of our common goals which
are rooted in the security alliance and our shared democratic values.

For decades, Turkey and the United States have cooperated intensively
to promote regional stability, including by countering terrorism and
the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction; resolving regional
conflicts; promoting energy security; expanding trade, investment,
and economic development; and, essential and integral to all of those,
strengthening democracy, human rights, and the rule of law

Several such strategic priorities merge in the cases of particular
and immediate consequence, including in Iraq and Afghanistan, the
quest for peace between Israel and all its neighbors, and Iran's
evident pursuit of nuclear weapons

Other conflicts, as you've mentioned Madam Chair, with historical
antecedents require no less sustained and intensive joint attention
and cooperation, including the unresolved issues of Cyprus and
normalization of relations with Armenia

I have been privileged to serve in Ankara during the Arab Spring,
during which I have strived to enlist Turkish support for the NATO
role in Libya, for a successful transition to democracy in Egypt,
and in collaboration with my colleague and friend next door in Syria
to pressure on the regime in Syria to cease its brutal repression
and to heed the will of its people

And just as the Turkish Government has played an important role in
promoting these political transitions, its government and private
sector are also keen to support economic development in Egypt and
Tunisia that are so critical to long-term stability in the region,
by increasing their trade and investment in those countries. And
wherever possible, Turkey as a government and Turkish firms are
looking for partnerships with American firms.

While we share many goals with Turkey, one of the most important
is countering global terrorism and networks and Turkey has been one
of our strongest partners in that pursuit. Juts last month, Turkish
security officials arrested an alleged Al-Qaeda cell that was plotting
to bomb western interest in Turkey including the United States Embassy.

We support Turkey's own foremost security objective of defeating
the terrorist violence which the PKK continues to perpetrate, and
which has led to the deaths of over 30,000 Turks since the 1980s. We
strongly support Turkey's efforts to improve the human rights and
economic situation for the Kurds and their democratic participation as
full citizens and the rights also of other communities of vulnerable
groups in Turkey.

As the United States maintain its longstanding support for Turkey's
aspirations to join the European Union, we will continue to press
for the reforms required for accession. It is important to note
the Turkish citizens themselves are demanding further progress on
promoting human rights and the rule of law most certainly including
freedom of speech and religious freedom.

And in my return to Turkey, it has been my privilege to meet with the
heads of each other religious minorities, the Ancient Jewish Community
of Istanbul, His All Holiness Bartholomew II who I have first met over
a couple of decades ago with then the Firs Lady, Secretary Clinton,
and met again two weeks ago with the Secretary, the head of the
(inaudible) Church and the head of the Romanian Church as well --
as well as the Baha'I Community leader.

The U.S. supports the transparent and inclusive constitutional
reform process to strengthen Turkey's democracy. We regard freedom
of expression as central to democracy and we believe the reform
process offers a unique opportunity to strengthen the protections
of (inaudible) journalists to nongovernmental organizations and
to minorities.

The President and the Secretary have established economic cooperation
with Turkey as a strategic priority and have emphasized the importance
of supporting American firms and promoting Turkish- American trade
and investment. During the President's April 2009 meeting with Turkish
President Gul, both leaders agreed to elevate our economic relations
to the level of our already strong political and military relations.

So, Turkey is a leading focus in the President's New Export Initiative
to double U.S. exports globally in five years.

It has been a special privilege to return to Ankara over this past
six months to strengthen the communications and the friendship between
our two people in all fields of private as well as official endeavors
including the fields of education, science, and health. I know this
committee and this Senate have strongly supported public diplomacy
and I have tried to make a special effort to communicate with the
Turkish people and bring private American groups and Turks together.

I believe an increasing contacts and communications between Americans
and Turks must be a primary means of advancing our interest on all
of the issues we face together today.

Madam Chair, Ranking Member, Senators, if confirmed to continue my
service as ambassador in my service in Ankara as in my service in all
other posts in the past, I will trust to your support and advice,
and that of your colleagues and constituents who are interested in
the interest of the United States at its stake in Turkey.

Thank you so much for this hearing.

SHAHEEN: Thank you, Ambassador Ford.

FORD: Thank you, Madam Chair. Madam Chair, Senator Lugar, Senator
Coons, I am really honored to appear before you today and I am grateful
for the trust and confidence placed in me by President Obama and
Secretary Clinton in renominating me to serve as the United States
Ambassador to the Syrian Arab Republic at a time when it is more
critical than ever that our voice be heard clearly by the Syrian
regime and more importantly by the Syrian people themselves.

Under the President's recess appointment, I have been working in Syria
since late January. I have to say it has not been an easy job but
the strategic stakes and the strategic opportunities for us that we
have in Syria now are quite dramatic, and there is a hugely important
story about this struggle for human dignity now under way in Syria.

I arrived in Syria about a month before the protests started. In the
past five months, those protests have grown slowly in size and they
now extend across all of Syria. The protesters demand respect for
their basic rights, freedom of speech, freedom to march peacefully,
and they demand an end to corruption and above all they demand that
their government treat them with dignity.

I want to emphasize here we talked about the Arab Spring in
Washington. The key word is dignity, treating people with dignity. But
the government's response has been brutal. It has been outrageous.

Nearly 2000 people have been killed by the Syrian Security Forces
and thousands more arrested and held in barbaric conditions.

One cannot have but admiration for the protesters' courage and also
their ingenuity and that they have stayed generally peaceful despite
bullets, beatings, and the constant risks of arrests and torture.

In my five months there -- sorry, six months, I have seen two principle
tasks in front of me. First -- first, to insist to the Syrian officials
and to convince them that opening more space for the Syrian people to
express themselves is vital for the credibility of those officials,
for the credibility of that government, and for Syria more largely.

There have been a few small positive steps taken by the government.

They have released many political prisoners. They have allowed some
meetings by the political opposition. However, as I said, in general,
their behavior has been atrocious. And their recent actions that we
read about in the newspaper these days only underlined again that the
Syrian government is unwilling to lead the democratic transition that
the Syrian people themselves demand.

My second vital function in Damascus is to work with the Syrian
opposition. I have spent enormous amounts of time discussing with
them their ideas for the future and discussing with them the kinds
of questions that other Syrians and the international community will
ask about them.

It's really important now to give Syrians an ear and to amplify their
voices especially when the international media is barred from Syria.

I have been trying to draw the attention of the Syrian regime and the
attention of the international community to the legitimate grievances
the Syrian people have with their government. The Syrian people want
to be heard. I wish the members of this Committee could have seen how
enthusiastic the protesters in Hama were to have a chance to talk to
the American ambassador.

The crisis in Syria however is not about the United States directly.

As I said, it offers us opportunities to promote respect for our
principles and our ideals. The Syrian crisis offers us opportunities
eventually to reinforce stability and peace in the Middle East. But
Syrians -- Syrians must resolve the crisis. The manner in which the
crisis is resolved has to be a Syrian one.

My job is to help establish the space for Syrian activist and for
Syrian thinkers, for Syrian business people, and for the Syrian people
generally to develop and organize the political transition that must
occur in Syria is to be stable again. Syria's 23 million people are
already thinking about what happens when Assad is no longer president
of Syria.

I believe that we and the Syrian people share a vision of what Syria
could be, an open and democratic country where governance is based on
consent of the government, a unified and tolerant country where Arabs
and Kurds, Sunnis and Alawis, Christians and Druze see themselves as
Syrians first and they celebrate Syria's rich cultural diversity, a
strong country at peace with its neighbors and exercising a stabilizing
influence in the region; a strong country that plays responsible role
in the broader international community; and a country that does not
support Iranian efforts to destabilize the region or give support to
terrorist groups like Hizballah. As the President said on July 31,
Syria will be a better place when a democratic transition goes forward.

I and my team in Damascus, my colleagues at the Department of State
and throughout the U.S. government and most importantly the Syrian
people are working to make that vision a reality.

Madam Chair, thank you for this opportunity to address the Committee
and I look forward to responding to questions at the appropriate time.

SHAHEEN: Thank you all very much for your testimonies.

As I indicated in introducing Ambassadors Eisen and Ricciardone, you
were both recess appointments, so I would really like to begin this
afternoon by asking you each to address the situations that required
your recess appointments and why you believe the Senate should confirm
you this year? And I'll ask you to begin, Mr. Eisen.

EISEN: Madam Chair, as you noted, the Czechs are some of our closest
allies in the region and in the world, and an ambassador was needed
after a hiatus to work on critical issues like Afghanistan, Iran,
Israel, and the potential $27.5 billion civil nuclear export
opportunity worth thousands of U.S. jobs.

It is my understanding that my nomination was held over concerns about
a personnel matter handled by my office when I worked in the White
House. We attempted to resolve those concerns but we're unable to
do so and given the important security and economic issues on which
we worked with the Czechs, the President determined that a recess
appointment was appropriate and indeed was necessary.

Since my arrival in Prague, we have made strong progress on all those
issues, Afghanistan, Iran, Israel, the nuclear contract, and many
other important areas in the relationship. Those remain as vital as
ever. And I believe that progress, the energy that not only I have
put in but the entire Embassy team in Prague together have put in
and the good works that they and we have done I think is the best
case for the continued presence of an ambassador in the Czech Republic.

SHAHEEN: Thank you. Mr. Ricciardone.

RICCIARDONE: Madam Chair, thank you for the opportunity to address
that question.

As you pointed out yourself and as Senator Lugar has pointed out,
Turkey is a pivotal country and a critical place geographically in a
very tense moment of conflict throughout the region that has influence
in all of those issues that are strategic concerns of the United
States. Moreover, internally is going through a hugely important and
deliberate process of change, the Turkish people deciding their own
direction and their future. They do it to us as they go through this.

They care about what we think.

We have an extraordinarily talented embassy team that I found on
arrival on January and there is one now even through our summer
transition. They do the heavy lifting diplomacy everyday and they do
a lot without an ambassador in fact.

But the fact is having an ambassador present improves the United States
access and the ability to speak everyday with people at the top of
government and the different institutions of government including
the military as well as the civilians and with the public in a way
they cannot be done.

So I am very grateful that the President appointed me. I am grateful
to have been there in particular throughout this period of the Arab
Spring with so much going on the region where Turkey has swung in
and helped the stabilizing role in most transitions.

My regret was I was unable to resolve the concerns of an individual
member of the Senate -- former member of the Senate. I will be honored
and grateful to address any concerns from any member regarding past
service or my current service in Turkey or anywhere else. And I thank
you for the opportunity to get us some of that today if there are
any concerns. Thank you.

SHAHEEN: Thank you. As I understand, part of the questioning or
questions that were raised had to do with your tenure in Iraq and
as ambassador to Egypt, were there any particular concerns that you
would like to address today that were raised?

RICCIARDONE: I was very proud of my service not only in Iraq but
before Saddam Hussein went down. I worked with the Iraqi opposition,
the democratic opposition to Saddam Hussein, under President Clinton
and Secretary Albright.

My job was to help organize and support and invigorate the Iraqis who
are working for a post-Saddam future and it was really a privilege
to be part of that. I did that to the best of my ability and openly
worked with members of the Congress who are keenly interested.

At your particular questions, I am not entirely sure what they are. I
am sure I must have antagonized some members of the Iraqi opposition.

I was upholding American policy not necessarily what all Iraqis wanted.

I worked very closely in Egypt with not only with the government but
very much with civil society, the theory of the case we had was we had
to press on all fronts starting with a very stubborn President Mubarak
who was committed in setting his ways with the people around him, with
his government, with his state, and very much with the civil society.

I was privileged to go to the headquarters of opposition movements to
continue the flow of funding provided by the United States through
USAID to civil society groups. I understand that remains an issue
with the government of Egypt but I was proud to continue to do that
and I took up the issue with President Mubarak himself and told him
we were determined to keep doing that.

Again, I'm glad to answer to any particular questions that may come
up. I made it appoint to meet with all of the religious community
leaders with one of the great experiences of my life to have a
Passover Seder in Cairo while the (inaudible) and the pharaoh were
being called down.

I met with His Holiness Pope Shenouda many, many times, sought
his advice on how best to advance the claws of freedom for Egypt's
Christians. I met with the Greek Patriarch. I met with the Russian
Orthodox Patriarch.

I took up the cause of the Bahai's with Mubarak himself and had a
small success on that front. I worked hard and won some and lost
others but that is the nature of our business.

Glad again to address any particular questions on that.

SHAHEEN: Thank you. Thank you for the effort to clarify some of those
concerns that had been raised.

I was very surprised as I am sure a lot of other people were to see
so many of Turkey's generals stepped down over the weekend and I
just wondered if you could give us your assessment of what that means
for the civilian government, what it means in terms of the military,
how do we interpret what happened?

RICCIARDONE: Thank you, Madam Chair. As to what this means for Turkey,
it is democracy. It is civilian government. The Turks themselves are
analyzing all of that and coming -- and debating it and deciding what
it means and we're asking them.

For what it means to the United States and our security relationship
with them, I am very, very confident that it has not caused a setback
in anyway. On the contrary, this time of the year, there is always
a turnover in the leadership. In any case, this turnover happened in
a different way by means of a resignation under evident protest for
particular reasons articulated by General Kosaner. We look forward
to working with the new leadership.

The security relationship though goes beyond individuals. It is based
on institutions. Turkey's state of law and strong institutions that
are durable even though their dynamic changed. I have every confidence
that our security relationship will continue to be strong, that our
military leaders will meet with the new Turkish military leaders. I
look forward on getting back to Ankara to dealing -- meeting with the
new military leadership. I am very confident things will be just fine.

SHAHEEN: Thank you. My time is up. Senator Lugar.

LUGAR: Thank you very much, Madam Chairman.

Ambassador Eisen, the Czech Republic was expected to host the Missile
Defence Radar under the Bush Administration's Missile Defense Plan
for Europe but that plan was scrapped in 2009 in favor of the so-
called Phase Adaptive Approach.

Even though Prague recently announced it was not interested in the
administration's current proposal but participation (inaudible) it
gears open to considering the future, I mean participation in projects.

What do you see is the way of the land there? Has the discussion in any
way disrupted our relationship and how would you propose we proceed?

EISEN: Thank you, Senator Lugar. It has not. This has been -- it
has not disrupted the relationship. This has been an active subject
of conversation and I am pleased to tell you that the government
is strongly supportive of the NATO Missile Defence Plan, the Phase
Adaptive Approach as adapted at Lisbon.

The -- you are of course quite right that an earlier conversation
that we had with the Czech government about the Shared Early Warning
System which was prior to the adaption of a NATO Missile Defence
Strategy at Lisbon was overtaken by events.

The Czechs felt that the data -- the limited date that they would
receive under the SEW System, the Shared Early Warning, was no longer
necessary although we made the offer because of the broader adaption
of the Phase Adaptive Approach.

But part of the result of the good conversations, the good partnership
between the Czech Government and United States, including the Unites
States Embassy in Prague has been strong, strong embrace of the Phase
Adaptive Approach as adapted by NATO at Lisbon. So it is full steam
ahead. We are in as good place as ever on that.

LUGAR: Let me say, you've noted that a key priority of the United
States policy in the Czech Republic is to enhance regional energy
security including diversification. In your view, what are the most
pressing areas for cooperation in this fear?

EISEN: The -- there is a critical energy security issue in the Czech
Republic. 100 percent of the Czech Republic's nuclear fuel is supplied
by Russia, 70 percent of their oil, 65 percent of their gas. We've
made diversification a priority of our engagement. The greatest single
opportunity to achieve energy security is through the expansion of
the Czech Civil Nuclear Capacity.

They have six outstanding high functioning nuclear reactors now,
very strong regulator. Unlike other nations, a very strong national
commitment not just the government commitment but strong public support
for this critical -- this critical alternative energy source in the
21st Century and we really focused there not just on the Westinghouse
bid to expand Temelin which is such a high dollar value, almost $28
billion potentially and so many U.S. jobs.

But that is really just one part of this partnership and we have
worked very hard in Embassy Prague and indeed throughout the United
States government one of the first things I did was come back to talk
to all of the (inaudible) and work on a whole of government approach
to build a 21st Century partnership between our two countries that
goes beyond just that bid.

So we're working on R&D together. We're working on education,
on regulation together in both our countries and that has been an
important part of our work.

I travelled recently with the Foreign Minister of the Czech Republic to
Texas to sign an agreement under our Joint Declaration on Civil Nuclear
Cooperation which we have the Czechs between Texas A&M University,
leading provider of degrees in civil nuclear engineering and the Czech
(inaudible) civil nuclear engineering network in the Czech Republic
so out two nations can build in this area in the 21st Century.

LUGAR: Is there public support in the Czech Republic that is ordinary
citizen understands the diversification of the problem?

EISEN: There is, Senator Lugar. One of the most gratifying moments
for me is returning to my mother's homeland was the rational and the
calm approach that the Czech Republic took post Fukushima to their
energy needs, the need for energy security to diversify energy sources.

There is strong national consensus in favor of expending nuclear,
strong government consensus, and some of the risks factors that
one sees elsewhere whether it is tsunamis or earthquakes are not
present there.

So it is a very, very good location for that expansion. We are very
pleased to work again not just on that bid which is certainly important
but on a broad partnership for civil nuclear energy security that is
a model of how our two nations can work together.

LUGAR: Ambassador Ricciardone, I have two parts of this. First of all,
Turkey remains central for the United States in European efforts
both in the Nabucco Pipeline project revive for greater European
energy independence. I would like your views on what progress has
been achieved recently and where does the project might stand as
opposed to rival pipeline projects?

Secondly, Turkey has been in negotiation with the United States and
NATO on Missile Defence Radar for several years with no agreement
finalized with several outstanding Turkish concerns related to
intelligence sharing with Israel. How close are we to concluding that
deal? Can you make a comment on Nabucco as well as the intelligence
sharing situation?

RICCIARDONE: Senator, on the Southern Energy Transit Corridor of which
the Nabucco is one very good option, I can say that we are intensively
engaged. Diplomats always say that and we always say we're optimistic
and there is progress. I believe there actually is. It is complicated.

There are several governments involved. There are several companies
involved. We are in touch with all of them at top levels.

I can tell you without betraying any confidences that Secretary
Clinton raised this issue with the Prime Minister and the Foreign
Minister of Turkey just two weeks ago. Ambassador Morningstar was
along also. She also raised it with President Gul. We've been pushing.

Prime Minister Erdogan went on to Azerbaijan.

Since then, I have not had readout of his discussions there but I
know he was intending to talk about this issue. A key of course is
getting gas from the Caspian to fill whatever pipeline is going to
come down there. That is the next step.

We're hoping within the next month there will be an agreement by the
concerns -- the companies concerned to fill the pipeline, come to
terms on transit fees and all those technical issues. (inaudible)
with it. We're working on it and we're hoping.

On missile defence, Turkey did support of course the state --
NATO statement at Lisbon. They support the NATO effort to have
the Phase Adaptive Approach Radar System. We've moved well beyond
that in generality to have detailed technical discussions and legal
discussions with the government of Turkey. We're hoping -- naturally
so they wanted to understand what this will mean for Turkey in all
its technical, political, legal, and certainly security aspects,
how it will make Turkey more secure, as well as the rest of NATO.

And we believe we are addressing those questions in full and
substantive detail. We hope that the Turkish government will feel it
has enough information to make a decision very soon. I will be racing
back to Ankara to try to find out more in regard to that.

SHAHEEN: Senator Menendez.

MENENDEZ: Thank you, Madam Chairlady. Congratulations to both of you
on your nominations.

Ambassador Ricciardone, I enjoyed our last conversation we had and I
just want to pursue some items that have developed since we spoke and
one them is with referenced to Cyprus. As well know the parties are
engaged in pretty intense talks facilitated by the United Nations
Secretary and I looked at the developments and I looked at what
happened with the military in Turkey which is in my view been part
of the challenge of getting to a solution in Cyprus and I look at
this new development and wonder how that affects the possibility of
making some real progress.

On the flip side, I look at Prime Minister Erdogan's distribution of
statements which is to forget about what we were negotiating in the
past. So this is now a two-sate solution which is different than a
Bizonal Bicommunal Federation and urging Turkish Cypriots to multiple
in greater numbers or expect to have more (inaudible) from Anatolia.

That does not seem to be in line with moving towards a solution.

So can you give me an update and your perspective since Turkey is a
key player as to whether or not we're going to be able to achieve a
resolution to the division of Cyprus? Are those facts complicating
opportunities? How do you see it?

RICCIARDONE: Senator, I wish I could do the diplomatic thing and say
I am optimistic and there is progress but I don't want to mislead. On
the first part of your question, I don't believe the changes in the
military leadership in Turkey will make any difference one way or the
other in terms of the prospects for the solution we've been after for
so long in Cyprus. I just don't think it is entirely germane. The
military is not calling the shots on this -- on this policy of the
government of Turkey.

As to the Prime Minister's statements, I would rather not parse
his statements and say anything here that makes it any harder than
it already is for the United Nations Secretary General's Special
Representative Downer. He has exceeded in getting President Christofias
and the Turkish community leader, Eroglou, to commit to meeting with
some frequency, I believe twice a week, from now, you know, into the
fall to press, press, press, press for the only shape of the solution
that anyone is ever considered possible, certainly that we have,
which is a Bizonal Bicommunal Federation.

We continue to uphold that and support it. Again, the Secretary of
State and Assistant Secretary Gordon raised this when they were in
Istanbul with the Turkish leadership just a couple of weeks ago.

MENENDEZ: But you really do not believe that Eroglou could make his
own decisions not withstanding what the Turkish government's views
are? Do you believe that he could make independent decisions not
withstanding what the Turkish government believes?

RICCIARDONE: I think what the Turkish government wants and believes
is extremely salient. I would point though and even since I have
been back to Turkey this time, there have been some tensions in the
relationship between the community in Northern Cyprus and Ankara. They
have come out to the -- there have been protests even back and forth.

So they identify themselves as Cypriots from my understanding,
Turkish Cypriots to be sure but Cypriots. And they are -- that is a
distinct identity.

Beyond that, I wouldn't wish to comment, you know, to (inaudible)
as to how far, you know, Mr. Eroglou would go in making decisions
that would be of variants from Ankara.

MENENDEZ: Yes. I -- I wasn't asking you so much about Eroglou as much
as the assignment when you're at, Turkey and its influence in this
decision-making process.

>>From our perspective, certainly from mine, I have been following
this for almost 20 years now. It is clear to me that Turkey has a
very significant influence in whether or not this issue is resolved
and not in the way that it is acceptable both to Greek and Turkish
Cypriots as well as to the international community. And I just get
a sense that based upon the Prime Minister's most recent statements
I just think it has become more on the risk not less on the risk to
try to achieve that goal.

Let me turn to another issue which I'm sure you would want to be
diplomatic about and that is the question of as our ambassador to
Turkey in this interrelationship with Armenia, from your view, has the
United States ever denied the fact that there was an Armenian genocide?

RICCIARDONE: We have -- I stand behind President Obama's
characterization of the Yegz Meghern as the Armenian themselves call
it. The tragic massacre, murder of a million and a half men, women,
and children marched to their deaths in 1915 but I stand behind our
characterization of that and our efforts of what we're trying to
do now.

MENENDEZ: Would you disagree with President Obama's statements as
Senator Obama?

RICCIARDONE: I would not disagree with my President and his
characterization of this, of course not.

MENENDEZ: Would you disagree with Vice President Biden's
characterization as Senator Biden?

RICCIARDONE: If they are both now my superiors, I certainly would
not disagree with their comments -- with their (inaudible).

MENENDEZ: Would you disagree with the Secretary of State's
characterization of the Armenian genocide as Senator Clinton?

RICCIARDONE: I certainly would not disagree with my Secretary of State.

MENENDEZ: You are wiser beyond your years.

(LAUGHTER)

MENENDEZ: Each of these individuals, the President of the United
States, the Vice President of the United States, the Secretary
of State as the senators at the time from their respective states
acknowledged the fact of the Armenian genocide during their tenure
as senator and it just seems to me, Madam Chair, that one again,
I appreciate Ambassador your remarks -- responses.

But here we are again playing an incredibly difficult set of
circumstances where we have the nominees to Armenia going to Armenian
genocide commemorations and never being able to use the word genocide.

We have our Ambassador to Turkey which is important party to try to
get the (inaudible) and move forward for the future but if you can
recognize the historical facts you cannot get on the future in the
same set of circumstances than you have, you know, our President,
our Vice President, and our Secretary of State, all who very clearly
as members of this body recognized that there was an Armenian genocide.

It is very difficult to understand how we move forward on that respect,
very difficult on how we put our diplomats on that respect.

But I appreciate your answers. And I have other questions but I see
Mr. Ford is coming I guess at some point.

SHAHEEN: He will be here for the second panel.

MENENDEZ: All right. Thank you, Madam Chair.

SHAHEEN: Senator Casey.

CASEY: Thank you, Senator Shaheen. And I want to thank both of our
-- both of the nominees for your public service and for your public
service and for your testimony here today. I know that the time is
short and we are limited in the topics we can cover but I do want to
start with Ambassador Ricciardone in the sense that we are going to
be talking later at some length about Syria and the massacre that is
going on there.

And it's been my sense and I think it is a widely shared view that over
a number of years if no for more than a generation but certainly within
the last number of years Turkey has been able to play significant
role as a regional balancer of the power of the region. It has also
been very constructive at times in the region.

And this is one of those times when the world needs the help that
Turkey can provide as it relates to Syria. These acts of violence
against the people of Syria are unacceptable. It is a regime that no
longer has legitimacy at all because of those acts of violence.

I guess I'd ask you, I know that Prime Minister Erdogan has been
pretty clear and I think pretty strong in his statements as it relates
to what has been happening in Syria. But I would ask you to reflect
upon and give us your sense of what -- what Turkey's perspective is
on this violence? What Turkey can do in the near term to put pressure
on this regime and how Turkey can be a constructive force within the
region on this central question?

RICCIARDONE: Senator, thank you for that question. In fact, we have
been engaged with Prime Minister Erdogan directly. I personally have
taken message to him from President Obama. The President has spoken
with him personally. The Secretary did just a couple of weeks ago.

He, President Gul, the Foreign Minister have all had Syria very high
on their scope because as they point out as important as Egypt and
Tunisia and Libya, all are in their transitions. Turkey shares an 800
plus, 850 km border with Syria. There are family relationships. There
is an important trading relationship.

Any instability in Syria could have direct security and economic
repercussions on the Turkey's vital national interest. As you pointed
out, Senator, the Prime Minister back in June had spoken out against
what he called the barbarity of the Fourth Brigade action against
Jisr al-Shughour in northern Syria.

Just yesterday, President Gul spoke I think for all Turks responding
to the images on the Turkish televisions on what was going on in
Hama by saying that he was horrified and shock, and he even noted
that necessary sanctions may be on the table.

This was moving, carry (ph) forward as one thing when Western countries
expressed our outrage and talk about these things but when a neighbor
as powerful as Turkey said these things, I have to hope that the
Syrian government will pay attention.

I don't think I'd be betraying (ph) your confidence. I think the
Prime Minister has made very clear in public a conversation with
senate delegation just about a month ago where among other times we
press to find out what the Turks were thinking and the Prime Minister.

He made clear that he was very upset, worried, concerned but he believe
that Turkey had to exhaust every other avenue to induce change and
reform in Syria and get them to stop the violence against their own
people, to listen to their people. He admitted that they'd been trying
hard and they had not been very successful.

The United States, we find ourselves in the same position. We've tried
everything to encourage, pressed, pressure for reform. My colleague
will speak to those efforts in a few minutes, and we've heard President
Gul yesterday expressing Turkey sense that perhaps their -- the reach
-- something like the end of that -- of that patience. We'll have
to see.

CASEY: I also wanted to -- and I know there's more we could talk
about with -- with regard to Syria. I wanted to move to the question
of Iran. We know that the Iranian regime has been the subject of a
broad array of sanctions and that's in the last year or so, been a
very positive step in the right direction.

There's a lot of unanimity in the region and well beyond the region
above, sanctions against the Iranian regime. I asked you with regard to
that question, how you -- how you assess or how you think the Turks can
help us to enforce those sanctions to make sure that they're enforce
by their government and to make sure that they can be a constructive
force in urging Turkish companies and -- and other businesses in the
region to comply within the -- not just comply but to be cognizant
of those Iranian sanctions?

RICCIARDONE: Thank you, Senator. The Turkish leadership at all levels
whenever we speak about Iran are emphatic that they oppose any Iranian
effort to acquire weapons of mass destruction. They point out that
they'd be the first victims of owning a special weapon but of a raise
for such weapons in the region which they do not want to see unleash.

They assert that they are firmly enforcing United Nations Security
Council sanctions including under 1929 for which they didn't vote.

Beyond that, we have asked for specific help. They say that the United
States laws, specific U.S. sanctions, the CISADA in particular does
not apply to Turkey but they acknowledged that Turkish firms can
be affected.

And Turkish firms will have to make a choice under our law, as to
whether to deal with America and American companies or Iranian ones.

We've asked them to go beyond that and help publicized what that means
in technical detail, if banks or other companies want to do business
with Iran, help them understand.

We're putting out this information. We at the U.S. Embassy are glad
to spread that information, and we asked Turkish regulators and
government entities to, you know, point out, remind their companies
the choices they're going to have to face and make the information
further available in Turkish to their -- their companies. We're
working with them.

CASEY: Let me just say in conclusion, I -- with regard to Cyprus, I've
associated myself with Senator Menendez's comments about that subject.

And I know, Dr. Eisen, we don't have time to ask you a question
but we'll submit something in writing but I think you know the high
regard I have for you as well. And we have a lot of mutual friends
in Pennsylvania. Thank you.

EISEN: Thank you, Senator Casey.

SHAHEEN: Senator Coons?

COONS: Thank you, Madam Chairwoman. I wanna thank Ambassadors
Ricciardone, Eisen, and Ford for your service over the past year. I
clarify that in my view, you all three served with distinction and
advocate for your confirmation, so you can continue in the strong
leadership role.

I won't stay for the second panel, so I wanted to particularly commend
Ambassador Ford for demonstrating real leadership resolve in the
face of very difficult circumstances in Syria by both personally of
going to a meeting with demonstrators and protesters, and some very
difficult circumstances, and in advocating for our values and our
interest as a nation.

I hope it is clear that many in this body share Secretary Clinton's
statement that President Assad has lost legitimacy to lead and very
grave concern about the path forward in Syria. And as it relates
to Turkey, I'm very concerned about recent events about what this
weekend's resignation of military leadership really mean? About the
tension between the secular military, traditions and foundations in
the modern Turkish state and the increasingly Islamist's tendencies
of some in the current administration.

I'm very concern about Turkey's relationship with Israel. To Ambassador
Ricciardone, you've chosen a particularly interesting post to return
to as the questions from other members of the panel suggested, whether
it's the relations with Cyprus, with Greece, the ongoing challenges
in Iran, in Syria, the relationship with Israel.

There's plenty we could dedicate our time to and I mean no disrespect
to Ambassador Eisen who serves with our closest and best allies but
Turkey presents a rich menu of potential questions to pursue. You're
last comment there about the choice that Turkish companies must make
between facing sanctions under CISADA is something I strongly support
and appreciate.

Senator Casey, raising the issue, I think it is very critical that
we engage Turkish business. So, I'm grateful for your leadership in
the U.S. - Turkey Business Council and promoting entrepreneurship
and opening the U.S. markets but I would also urge your aggressive
engagement to the extent appropriate in clarifying our very strong
concerns as a nation about Iran and its development.

I was pleased to hear response to previous questions, your view, the
Prime Minister (inaudible) is being engaged and effective in advocating
for, I think, what is a very broadly shared multinational concern over
the tragic events in Syria and over the, I would view it, as crimes
against humanity by the Assad regime in murdering their own people.

I also want to associate myself with Senator Menendez's questions
about Cyprus and ask you a few question if I could briefly. The first
would be, what have you been able to do in order to promote religious
freedom. Your reference to meeting with His Holiness Bartholomew,
what path forward you think there might be for restoring the property
and the Halki Theological Seminary?

And what could we be doing to be a more effective partner with you
in advocating for religious tolerance and openness in Turkish society?

And then second, what's your assessment of the state of Turkish-Israeli
relation. Turkey, for a very long time, was the vital ally of Israel
and it's my hope that the recent changes in military leadership may
open a window for improve relations.

I recognize this is a very difficult moment and -- and getting past
the difficulties of last year's flotilla incident are quite difficult.

So given the limitations of your role as a diplomatic representative
of the United States, I would welcome any insight you'd had for us,
and how we strengthen business ties and recognize that they are
wonderful ally in a conflict in Afghanistan and Iraq, and has stood
by us in NATO and in many context, while pressing forward religious
freedom and the importance of our strategic relationship with Israel.

RICCIARDONE: Senator, thank you for all those questions. Let me start
with the religious freedom first and then -- and go on to Israel and
if you wish to pursue Cyprus and CISADA, we can do that as well. On
religious freedom, I have raised this question with all the leaders
I've been privileged to see and I made it a point to call on the
community leaders as well.

One of the community leader's perspective, not only on the property
issues and it's not only with the Greek Orthodox of course, the senior
patriarchate but also the Armenian community, the Cyrenianists, have
their own parallel source of issues, and I've got into some detail
with them. We've learned the legal questions.

They all have legal cases at one level or another in the Turkish
courts, which they're prepared to take unto international courts. I
don't want to betray any of their confidences in these legal things
but they are encouraged by the first every contacts they're having
with high leaders of the state, both sensitive (ph) ones regarding
their issues.

And then things have really matter in that part of the world in
particular and that is honor and dignity, and respect. They have
had the first ever visits by high officials of the state to them,
not them, to their offices, of the Prime Minister and the governor
but governors and the Prime Minister coming to them.

That -- that has not happen before or in any one's memory at least in
the modern history of the Republic. When I've raised these with high
officials of the state, they say, "why should you be surprise"? We
are not afraid of religion and very interestingly, they -- they follow
our debates about personal freedom and religious freedom.

And they say, here's how you can understand this, American Ambassador,
in your country you have in recent years made a distinction between
freedom of religion and the concept of freedom from religion. And
for too long in our modern Republic, we focused on preventing the
intrusion of religion in our national life and political life.

We're quite comfortable to be observant Muslims. Please don't call us
Islamists by the way, they tell us. But to the extent, someone is --
is praying as a Christian or a Jew, it really doesn't bother us at
all. Why should it? It's no threat to the state. On the contrary, we're
rather proud of -- of our diversity and we're happy to have them do it.

As to the property issues, let us take a fresh look at this and --
and make sure that they get justice. I'm very hopeful. Again, I don't
wanna betray any confidences. I don't wanna overpromise but I dare
be hopeful that, Halki Seminary in particular will be resolved which
is our Holiness's anniversary of ordination this year, his 40th year
as a priest, and I know he would very much like to see that resolve
this year. We would too.

On Israel, I -- I can't speak for results. I've spent time there. I
have Israeli friends. I -- I don't claim expertise but I feel very
certain having discuss this at length with the Prime Minister and the
Foreign Minister, certainly the military leadership with all these
Turks whatever they're feelings, misgivings, irritation issues over
the terrible flotilla incident of last year over events in Gaza,
they understand.

That to influence events in the region, to be part of a more peaceful
and prosperous region which is in their vital national interest, they
need to have a normal fruitful, respectful full diplomatic dialogue
with Israel and they want to get back to that. We've worked very much
with both sides. We've reminded each side of the stake they have and
the relationship with the other.

And neither side really needs any reminding, they know the importance
of it. Secretary of State again has been working on this personally
through her recent visit and otherwise. I dare be hopeful that Turkey
and Israel would figure this out and I certainly hope to see a Turkish
Ambassador back in Tel Aviv very, very soon. Let me end there if I may.

COONS: Thank you very much for your hard work, Mr. Ambassador. It's
a vital strategic relationship and I'm grateful for your advocacy on
behalf of the people of the United States with the Republic of Turkey.

Thank you, Madam Chair.

SHAHEEN: Thank you, Senator Coons. I have to go to preside over the
Senate in just a few minutes but I did want to raise one more question
for Ambassador Eisen before I go. Critics of the Obama Administration's
reset policy with Russia have suggested that engagement with Russia
would come at the expense of our allies in Central and Eastern
Europe. I wonder if you could speak to the Czech Republic view of
the administration's reset efforts with Russia.

EISEN: I think that the Czech Republic has come to understand and
appreciate the spirit of the reset with Russia and the benefits that
confers, not just for U.S. Russian relationship but -- but in the
region. Of course, the President has made Prague the centerpiece of
these issues, going to Prague twice including, I have the privilege
to accompany him last year for the signing of the START Treaty with
President Medvedev.

I was very pleased. I think in -- in a token of the -- and indeed more
than a token, a recognition of the -- the importance of these issues
that might Czech colleagues affirmatively embrace the so called, Prague
Agenda, and took the bull by the horns and schedule the conference,
an international conference on the Prague Agenda not long after I
arrived in the Czech Republic to commemorate the one-year anniversary
and the two-year anniversary of the President's speeches there.

We have representatives from Russia, from the United States, and from
around the world come including Dr. Gary Seymour from the White House.

One of the principal advisers to the President on these matters,
to think about what the long-term benefits can be for the region and
for the world.

So, I -- I think we've made good progress. I could give other examples
but I think we've made good progress on these grounds. It is important
to have an ambassador there to help convey communications in both
directions on this subject and very pleased with where we are on the
reset now.

SHAHEEN: Thank you very much. Senator Casey or Senator Coons, do
either of you have any other questions for this panel? I have a few
other questions that we will present in writing for each of you and
the record will stay open until close of business on Friday for any
further questions from members of the committee.

So, hearing -- no further questions, I will thank you both again for
your service and your willingness to continue to do this and hope
we can get swift actions from the Senate and close this hearing,
and turn the gavel over to Senator Casey.

CASEY: We will start our second panel and Mr. Ford I know before
I arrive here that you had an opening statement. What I'll do is
I will present an opening statement and then we can go right to --
then go right to questions. Am I correct in that, you did present?

FORD: Yes, Senator that is correct.

CASEY: I wanna make sure. Thanks so much. Well, thank you everyone for
being here. I know we're moving to our second panel on a -- on a very
busy day but I wanted to get right into these critically important
issues. Over the past few days, scores have been killed in Hama. The
same location of the devastating attack by government forces in the
year 1982, which killed an estimated 10,000 Syrian civilians.

Despite the sustained assault by government forces, Syrian activist
continued to demonstrate in very large numbers. A testament to their
courage, their cause, and their desire for the most basic element of
human rights and human dignity.

The horror place taking place in Syria today has led me and I know
many others in this body, the United States Senate, to be very clear
about the conclusion that we've reached. This is a regime that is not
capable of real reform. It has lost all legitimacy. We must be direct
and I believe unequivocal in our message to the dictator of Damascus.

Bashar Al-Assad must step down. The Syrian people should not have to
bear the brutality of this regime any longer.

Let's not forget how these demonstrations in fact started. These
demonstrations started with children. On March the 6th of this year,
the Syrian authorities arrested 15 school children in the city of
Dara for spray painting any government slogans. These children were
reportedly tortured while there were in fact in custody.

Their parents and members of the community demonstrated and called
for their release. The police use force on the parent and community
leaders and within a week, had killed 55 people. Today after
months of courageous demonstrations and of course that's a dramatic
understatement. There's no other way to adequately convey the courage
and the valor of these -- of these people.

After all of that demonstration, some estimates are that the death
toll has reached maybe as high as 2000 but at least more than 1600.

Some think of course that even 2000 would be too low. We don't know
for sure but it is unacceptable for us to standby any longer and just
watch this.

The terrible reach of this regime has directly affected constituents
in my home state of Pennsylvania. Dr. Hazem Hallak is a naturalized
American citizen from Syria and respected oncology researcher who
lives in Merion Park, Pennsylvania, just outside of Philadelphia.

In May, his brother Sakher who was also a doctor visited the U.S. to
attend a medical conference. Upon his return to Syria, Sakher was
missing. His wife contacted the authority to confirm that he was in
their custody but would be released shortly.

The next day, Sakher's wife and daughter were interviewed by the
authorities who again confirm that he would be released. Two days
later, his body was discovered in a village 20 miles south of Aleppo.

The authorities then denied him -- or denied that he was ever in their
custody and claimed that they found his body in a ditch, by the side
of the road.

Sakher's body was subjected to brutal torture. His bones were broken
and his body was mutilated in unspeakable ways. Sakher was not a
political activist. He was not involved in the demonstrations. His
sole offense appears to be his visit to the medical conference and
his visit with his brother in the United States of America.

We honor his memory, Sakher's memory and hundreds of others by calling
for democratic change in Syria. We know that our allies across the
Arab League and in Turkey, as I raised before in the first panel,
have a unique and critical role to play here to pressure Mr. Assad.

They have economic and diplomatic ties with Syria that the United
States does not have. I support these efforts to leverage these
relationships for a comprehensive regional approach to this crisis
and applaud our allies who have rejected the Assad regime.

In addition to strong messages from Washington and a concerted
diplomatic push, more can be done to pressure Syria at International
bodies. We need to maintain pressure on Syria at the United Nations
Human Rights Council. We should also continue to pursue a resolution at
the UN Security Council, condemning the Syrian government's behavior.

On Monday of this week, Germany called for Security Council meeting
on Syria which I hope will result in a strong resolution. While some
Security Council members remain resistant, especially in the wake of
recent violence, it is unacceptable for the United Nations to continue
ignoring the courage of the Syrian people and carnage brought about
by the Syrian regime.

We must also continue to pursue efforts to constrict the ability of
this regime to conduct business abroad. I welcome the new European
Union sanctions on Syria announced this week, which imposed asset
freezes and travel bans on five more military and government officials.

We must also be willing to examine expanded sanctions on the banking
and energy sectors. I also wanna to applaud the courageous work done
by our diplomat in Damascus led by Robert Ford who is with us today.

Ambassador Ford's recent trip to Hama was a testament to his commitment
to representing the interest and the values of the United States. Due
to the draconian measures imposed on the media by the Assad regime,
Ambassador Ford has been one of the few people who has traveled within
Syria and borne witness to the truth of the terrible crimes taking
place across that country.

President Obama was right to send Ambassador Ford to Syria last year.

I look forward to supporting his confirmation when it comes before
the full Senate. Mr. Ford has shown that an American Ambassador is
not a gift to host countries but a representative who actively pursue
American interest and American values.

The most basic American value, the right to democratic representation,
is at stake in Syria and much more of course is at stake. And I know
that Ambassador Ford has been a stalwart advocate for this principle
of democratic representation while he has served in Damascus.

Ambassador Ford welcome back to the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee. I know this is your second welcome today but I thank you
for your decades -- decades of service and remarkable efforts you
and your team have undertaken in Damascus. And I look forward to the
answers you'll provide to our questions.

I wanted to open up with just an assessment, your assessment of --
of the violence in the current state of the -- not just the violence
and the -- the scale of it but also what can you tell us about the
opposition and how they're doing and, you know, how we can be most
-- most effective and most helpful? We, meaning the United States
Congress.

FORD: Thank you very much Senator. It's nice to see you again.

(CROSSTALK)

CASEY: Thank you.

FORD: First if I may, I -- I am very fortunate to work with the small
but very dedicated team at the US Embassy in Damascus, both Americans
and Syrians, and one of my team is here. She actually interrupted
her vacation to help me during these few days of meetings I have
in Washington. So, I'd like to introduce Joanne Cummings who is
wearing red.

Joanne works on economic and political issues in Damascus. She lives
in Damascus without her husband who has evaluated because of the
deteriorating security situation. All of our Americans staff there
live without their family and it's a really super team and it is a
team effort.

(CROSSTALK)

CASEY: Thank you as well on our behalf.

FORD: Senator, with respect to the violence, it's getting worse. The
Syrian government's constant brutality, its refusal to allow peaceful
marches, its insistence on widespread arrest campaign, and its
atrocious torture, that the reports you read about, the detention
condition are just ghastly, they are in turn fostering more violence.

What we saw that in the third largest city of the country, Homs two
weeks ago. We're seeing at this weekend too I think but I wanna be
clear, I visited Jisr al-Shughour on a government sponsored trip in
June. I heard what they said and I wandered away from the crowd and
talk to some other people.

It's very clear what happen up there. There was a peaceful protest on
a Friday. Syrian Security Force, they shot some of the protesters. At
the funeral on Saturday the next day, the people got quite emotional
because they have lost Muslims and they then attack and killed a lot
of Syrian Security people.

That paradigm, that cycle is repeated over and over again. The cycle
starts with Syrian government violence against peaceful protest. We
need to be very clear. The Syrian government was saying there are
armed groups up in Hama. I went there. I didn't see a single gun. The
most dangerous weapon I saw was a slingshot.

We need to be clear about what then nature of the violence is and
where it comes from. The responsibility lies to President Assad and
his government, and let me again reiterate the call by the President
on July 31st, the Secretary yesterday, the Syrian government needs to
stop that slaughter. Would you like me to discuss briefly, Senator,
the opposition?

CASEY: Yes, thank you.

FORD: I -- I spent a fair amount of my time getting to know them
inside Syria. The Secretary today met a group of Syrian opposition
members that are living outside Syria, and I was able to join that
meeting as well. A couple of things I would say about them. It's a
diverse group. They're not very well organized. That is not surprising.

The Syrian government for decades would not allow any opposition party
to exist, much less meet and much less organize. They are trying to do
that now. Very frankly, they have a long way to go. It is important
for the Syrian opposition to develop their ideas, Syrian ideas about
how the democratic transition in Syria, which we think is underway and
in the street protests, as I said, in my opening statement are growing.

The democratic transition is underway. The Syrian opposition needs to
identify how that transition should proceed. That should not be an
American responsibility, this is a Syrian issue that Syrians should
decide. How about if I hold there Senator?

CASEY: Thank you very much and I know that Americans are outraged by
this violence but I'm afraid that when you open up a newspaper, day
after day and it's in the context of instability in -- in a lot of
places and a lot of change in the Middle East that it -- it might be
that the level of outrage might be more muted because it's in -- in the
context of so much of the news and so much of the change in the region.

It's always a region of a lot of volatilities. You know better than
I that lately it's been that much more difficult. So, I think it's
difficult sometimes for -- for many Americans to sustain their focus
but it's my opinion that not only should Mr. Assad step down but he
should stop kind of deliberately mislead the world, where he -- his
forces engage in an act of violence and then it seems it's always
followed by some -- some fraudulent promise that they're going to
reform and then that cycle gets repeated as well.

How about -- and I know part of the impediment here is developing a
broad enough coalition of nations, a government to support us, and
I know that we're -- we're trying to get an even broader coalition
and one of the challenges we have is engaging Russia and China. And
they are two of the most vocal opponents, I don't know why.

I can't understand it. I don't agree with it but we have to acknowledge
it. They're two of the most vocal opponents against any kind of
resolution in the Security Council. What can you tell us about efforts
to engage there and what the latest is?

FORD: Senator, there had been intense discussions today up in New York,
again, about some kind of UN Security Council Action. My understanding
from colleague up in New York a couple of hours ago, was that the
most recent Syrian government repressive measures in places like
d'Azur out in the east and in Hama in the West have -- had an impact.

And that the members of the Security Council who had opposed Security
Council action are potentially now more open to some kind of action.

Discussions are underway. My understanding is, even as we speak here,
we think it is important, I wanna underline this, we think it is
important that the United Nation Security Council take action.

We think it is important that the international community recognize
the courage and the efforts of the Syrian people to effect change,
to push for freedom and dignity, and that the international community
should support them.

CASEY: One of the challenges we have when I mentioned that sometimes
it's hard for Americans to -- to sustain a focus on -- on violence,
even violence at this level and the kind of brutality. One of the
limitations we have is not just the -- the confluence of a lot of
events that interfere or prevent that focus from being intensified,
one of the challenges we have is lack of information because of the
Syrian government's ability to sensor limited information.

I spoke earlier of the -- the estimates of the number killed but even
beyond just that number which -- which we're never sure is accurate,
are there -- you obviously have concerns about this but let me --
let me ask you, are there ways that we can circumvent or get around
the -- the sensors that are in placed now, the -- the ability of the
Syrian government to prevent the free flow of information?

FORD: Senator, one of the big topics that I had in my discussions
with officials of the Syrian government over the last several months
is the importance of allowing in international media. I do not know
how many times I have raised that with the foreign minister, with my
foreign minister, with close advisers to President Assad himself.

The Syrians have a refrain which I hear all the time which is, the
media coverage is unfair. To which I have told them, well then you
need to have the media come in and look at it and let them draw their
own judgment. I will say that after my last conversations about that,
CNN was invited in. National Public Radio, Deb Amos was invited in.

And we got a couple of British news agencies and they were still kind
of tracked and monitored in the country. They didn't have nearly the
kind of freedom that I would have like to see, that we would have
like to have seen. And I think NPR just got back in again but you're
right that the censorship is a huge problem.

And one of the reasons that I have moved around the country is to get
a sense myself of what's going on. It's terribly frustrating to not
really understand. I mean you can watch You Tube videos but there
is a certain utility to having your own eyes to see things. I have
been encouraging my colleague ambassadors in Damascus to get out of
Damascus and to visit parts of the country.

Some are quite active, the French Ambassador for example, and I think
we then also need to help the Syrian people themselves, the activist,
learn how to make the best use of technology, so that they too can
use the internet to get the word out, and I have to say they're quite
ingenious doing this.

In fact, colleagues of mine at the embassy tell me that the Syrians
understand a lot of the internet, GTAP and such things, better than
some of us do. So, there's a lot of ingenuity there, Senator but the
fundamental problem is that the Syrian government will not allow the
free flow of information and that should stop.

CASEY: Well in some ways, that's -- that's one of the at least the
way I would -- the way I would make a determination about legitimacy.

That's -- that's one of the measurements if -- if you're -- if you're
not allowing the free flow of information. I think that -- that at
a minimum, questions arise about -- about the implications of that.

I wanted to return -- I meant to ask you before when you're talking
about the -- the opposition and I know this is difficult to do,
especially in the - you're in the -- in the vortex of this much more
so than I am, are people here in Washington but to -- to the extent
you can step back a little bit and provide a perspective based upon
recent events.

One of the most and this is my opinion, but one of the most significant
factors and how the transition took place in -- in Egypt for example,
was the fact that you had a military which showed some measure, not --
not I don't wanna to be categorical about this, with some measure of
forbearance. And you had -- you had a number of folks who were in the
-- in the ruling (inaudible) who also showed some forbearance or at
least some were measured in the way they've responded.

And that allowed a kind of transition which, compared to some
other places we might have -- we might not be hoping would -- would
replicate itself. Is there any -- in Syria, is there any element
within the government at a -- at a high level within the government
or within senior leadership of the military where you see some, even
unrealized potential at this point for some balance and maybe even
some -- some forbearance where they might not cross certain boundary.

They might -- someone at the top that has been saying, this has
gone too far, we've gotta at least stop and pause, if not. I'm not
expecting anyone at the highest levels to -- to agree with me about
Mr. Assad's stepping down but is there -- is there any potential for
someone to at the highest level of civilian or military leadership
to show that kind of forbearance at some point in the near term?

FORD: Senator, let me be very frank. I have heard from a number of
officials in Damascus, messages of good intent. I have to tell you
that what matters is change on the ground and -- and to the shooting
of peaceful protesters and end to this (inaudible) were hundreds of
young people are rounded up without any kind of judicial process and
held for months, often in barbaric condition.

The release of political prisoners. There are still political
prisoners not been release. Change on the ground and when I have --
I have listened to these messages of good intent and when I come back
to them and say, what about changing this and changing this today or
tomorrow. I don't get much back.

A few things here and there Senator but not very much, and our
conclusion is that this regime is unwilling or unable to lead the
democratic transition that the Syrian people are demanding now. And in
a sense, unwilling or unable doesn't really matter because what we are
interested in, the Syrian people are interested in, the international
community is interest in, is that change on the ground.

The positive change on the ground. And the incidents just over the
past few days, leading up to Ramadan and then since the start of the
month, show that there is no positive change on the ground.

CASEY: I was afraid your answer would be very much the way you just
articulated, and I think if anything, that should be -- that -- that
should be testimony that -- that equates I guess to exhibit A as to why
we gotta maintain pressure and -- and think of other ways to provide
or to impose I should say even greater pressure by developing and
strengthening alliances through engagement and through efforts that
are made in a way of sanctions or other pressure because my sense and
I think you just confirmed it, is that this not a regime that's gonna
get tired of doing this, unless they -- they have a countervailing
force against them, that will make them change.

I guess I wanted to explore some of that -- some of those other
pressure points. There -- there are some commentators, some with the --
with the significant degree of experience who think that we should be
turning up more pressure and imposing more economic pressure by way
of the -- by way of the energy sector. I wanted to get your -- your
thoughts on that in terms of a -- another -- another approach here.

FORD: Senator, it's an excellent question. On the energy sector,
we have for years have sanctioned against American companies doing
business there. And so unilaterally, additional American measures,
unilaterally, probably are not gonna have that big of an impact. The
big companies that are working in Syrian energy, petroleum oil and
gas sector in Syria right now are mostly European and Canadian, and
so we would look to find ways to work with our partners to enhance
those sanctions.

And frankly, we have had discussions about that and that is underway.

European and Canadians too are watching what's going on in Syria and I
think the Syrian government's latest actions will help trigger action,
frankly speaking.

CASEY: And -- and how would you have -- a lot of what drives forward
(ph) for change, can be often rooted in economics as it is in anything
else. How would you assess the Syrian economy prior to maybe at the
beginning of this year versus the way it looks now in terms of its --
its significance as an issue in this -- in this conflict?

FORD: The violence and the unrest in Syria, the lack of stability
is really hurting the Syrian economy. It started off slow but it
is snowballing. Let me give you just a couple of examples. Tourism
represents today a growing part of the economy. The tourism sector is
completely dead. The hotels in places like Aleppo and Damascus which
normally would have occupants rates of 80 to 90 percent, are down to
0 to 10 percent right now. Hotels are laying off staff.

The country is draining slowly but steadily its foreign exchange
reserve. Business throughout the economy has slowed dramatically,
whether it be production of pharmaceutical or textiles, whatever it
is. The demands among Syrian consumers has dropped off the table.

People in a sense are afraid to buy because the times are so unsettled.

And so companies are really hurting. Banks are also hurting. Joanne
just did a very good assessment of the financial sector in the way it
is suffering because of the current situation. One of the things that
we're trying to do, Senator, and this is I think quite important,
Joanne and I both worked in Iraq, we do not want our sanctions to
devastate the broader Syrian economy because in the period after
Assad, it will be important for Syria to be a strong country and a
strong economy will be part of that.

So, we have really worked in the United States government and with
our partners but (ph) to target sanctions against specific companies
and against specific individuals that are involved in the repression,
without targeting the broader Syrian economy and making the people of
Syria suffer. It is a different kind of sanction regime from what we
have in Iraq say. It's much more specifically targeted with the goal
of sparing the Syrian people themselves great suffering.

CASEY: And I know that's always the challenge to make it -- make
such sanctions targeted enough and impactful enough on -- on the
regime. I know that we've seen, as often happens in these situations,
we've seen an out-migration. In this case, I guess most of it or the
majority of folks fleeing northwestern Syria into Turkey.

Any -- any -- any report you can give us on that and -- and a related
question, obviously maybe the bigger question is, what role -- how
do you assess, I should say, the role played by Syria and what more
do you hope that the -- the -- I'm sorry I said Syrian, the Turkish
government, what role can the Turkish government play in creating
more pressure and more -- more -- more impact on the Syrian regime?

FORD: First Senator, may I just follow up on a little part on that,
of economic sanctions you mentioned then.

(CROSSTALK)

CASEY: Sure.

FORD: And the -- the -- the challenge of getting targeting that
works and has an impact. We really do spent a lot of time on this,
and left me just give you a couple of success stories that may not
have made the news here.

One of President Assad's cousins, his name Rami Makhlouf. He is very
well known in Syria. He is probably the richest man in Syria. He's a
very shall we say unscrupulous businessman. And we have targeted him
very specifically as well as his companies because we know he helps
finance the regime.

He applied for citizenship to Cyprus. He didn't get it because working
with the EU, we made sure that he couldn't get to Cyprus and he
couldn't get Cyprian -- Cyprus citizenship. That's strike one against
him. Strike two, one of his biggest companies is called Sham Holding,
so we targeted that specifically.

It had a board of directors. We went after a couple of them
specifically. Their board members term expired in -- at the end of
April and they were too afraid to have another board meeting. So,
they finally, the government insisted that businessmen come together
and have a board meeting in July and all they were able to was come
up with half of a board and one vice-chairman. No one would agree to
even be the chairman of Sham Holding.

So the sanctions do bite, maybe not in ways that are always (ph) on
the headline but what we do see is more and more business people and
especially Sunni business people which is an important pillar of the
regime's support. We do see them slowly but surely shifting sides and
that's important. So, I do think our sanctions are having an impact.

With respect then, Senator, to your question about refugees going
into Turkey and the Turkish role more generally. A couple of things
I would say, first we appreciate that the Turks did offer refuge to
people fleeing the government of Syria campaigns in northwestern Syria.

People fled in a thousand.

We estimate somewhere around 12,000 but mainly because they were
terrified of army and Syrian intelligence service retaliation against
them. The army and especially -- especially the intelligence services
have a fearsome reputation, and we have seen plenty of videos on
Arabic satellite TV of how they beat and torture people, and some of
them are quite gruesome.

So people fled in -- in real fear. That's what happen in Jisr
al-Shughour the town I visited up in the north in June. So, we
appreciate the role that the Turks have played. My understanding now
is that some refugees who went to Turkey are beginning to trickle
back into Syria. They think they will be safe.

The Syrian Red Crescent has extended promises that they will watch
over people coming back, that there's not mistreatment. I think most
of the refugees are still in Turkey somewhere around 8000 are still
there. So, plenty of people are still afraid and don't trust their
own government in Syria. And that the Turkish role in this has been
I think very good and we appreciate it.

With respect Senator to your question, more (inaudible) it out, what
can Turkey do. I think Turkey has a very, very important role and I'm
often in touch with my colleague Ambassador Ricciardone up in Ankara.

The Turks have a -- a very deep commercial relationship that they'd
been building up for years.

They have personal relations between the Turkish leadership and the
Syrian leadership that they had consciously (inaudible). They wanted
to build influence. I think it is fair to say that the Turks, even to
yesterday (inaudible) President Gul was very critical of the latest
Syrian measures.

The Turks have perhaps a unique capability, both to talk to the Syrians
at several level because over the years they built those contacts,
and also were they to adopt sanctions for example, I think those two
would bite.

CASEY: Well, that's something I hope we can continue to foster because
that kind of helping the region could be -- could be very significant.

I was in the region last in July of 2010 and one of our -- our second
to last stop was in Beirut and Lebanon and I could -- I could sense
almost, feel to have a presence of Hezbollah in -- in Lebanon.

I want to get your -- your sense about the implications of the --
the unrest and the violence in -- in Syria, the implications for
Lebanon and how has Hezbollah respond to that?

FORD: Senator, when I appeared before the Foreign Relations Committee
in March of 2010, we spoke a long time about Hezbollah in that
hearing I recalled. We have a real opportunity with change in Syria
to see both Iranian influence and Hezbollah influence in the region
diminished. That's -- that would be a real gain for us, and also be a
real gain for the Syrian people since the Iranians are helping right
now with the repression in Syria.

With respect to Hezbollah specifically, the Syrian support to
Hezbollah has continued. It has not stopped. At the same time, I
think the leadership of Hezbollah at first was very outspoken in its
support of the Syrian government. More recently, they have been quiet
and my sense is that they have seen enough Hezbollah flags burned in
Syrian protest, especially in places like d'Azur and Hama and Daraa,
that they realized that their support for the Syrian government is
not garnering them any long-term friendship with the Syrian people.

CASEY: And can you explain that? Just walk through that in terms of
the ...

(CROSSTALK)

FORD: The protesters and I think Syrians more generally understand
that Iran and Hezbollah are supporting Syrian government repression
against them.

CASEY: And I know that the you -- when -- when you were getting out
of the -- out of Damascus and -- and I think with a lot of valor and
a lot of commitment to bear witness to the truth. When you made that
journey, I know it had to be in some ways harrowing. But what --
what is your -- what is your draw from it mostly?

I mean I know you saw a lot and had a better sense of what was
happening you said on the ground but what -- what did you draw from it,
other than I guess what has to be a remarkable inspiration to draw,
when you draw upon that, the inspiration provided by these brave
people, what else can you tell us about that, that journey you took?

FORD: One of the -- out of the fascinating experience, Senator,
I had a lot of interesting trips during my time in the peace corps
and then in the foreign service but that one would rank up near the
top. I came away with a couple of conclusion which I shared with the
Department of State and also with the media.

First of all the protesters there are peaceful. As I think I mentioned,
the one weapon I saw was a slingshot. These are not -- these aren't
gunmen. When we came up to the first checkpoint, very frankly the
local's checkpoint, not a government checkpoint, we weren't sure they
were gonna be armed or not and we were a little nervous.

But the second point I came with was, they are not against foreigners.

We told them we were American Diplomats and, oh, America, great,
go ahead, please pass, you know, whatever. We got kind of lost in Hama.

We should have a map but we didn't, so we had to stop and ask for
directions, and they actually got in the car and took us to where we
wanted to go. They were very nice, invited us to lunch, et cetera.

They're not anti-American at all. In fact, I think they appreciated
the attention that the United States showed to their cause and
that they were peaceful. When they've asked who I was and I said
I'm the American Ambassador and several of them said, oh, come on,
who are you really? So, they didn't believe me until I gave them some
business card.

And the third thing I came away with Senator is their incredible
commitment and I get that whenever I meet opposition people in any
city in Syria. The commitment they have to change into freedom and to
dignity. They're not gonna stop. They underlined that over and over,
and we have seen that.

We were talking about Egypt a little while ago, roughly 900 Egyptians
died in the first phase of that Egyptian revolution out of a country
of 80 million people. Syria has only 23 million people and nearly 2000
have died. So, the scale of killing in Syria is way beyond what it
was in Egypt but the people in Hama and elsewhere are quite committed
to change.

And I don't think they're going to stop and so I think we owe it to
them to remain supportive and to try to build that support wisely,
carefully but to build that support.

CASEY: And I know we have to -- I know we have to wrap up and we've
covered the good but not nearly enough and we'll have -- I'm sure
I'll have questions for the record. We'll try not to overload you
too many with written questions. You got -- you got work to do and
we don't wanna burden you with that but I'll leave the record open
until Friday for other members to submit questions or for any --
for witnesses to amplify their testimony or the responses.

I guess I'll ask in conclusion one -- one kind of broad question but I
think an important one because of the way we interacted hearings like
this and that's, I think what your -- your message to the American
people is about solidarity and about -- about focus on this, this
horror that we're seeing but what specifically would you hope you or
the administration hope that the Congress would do by way of action or
legislative action or otherwise that you think would constructive in
helping to, not just show solidarity but to -- to continue the focus
that should be brought to bare on what these brave citizens of Syria
are trying to accomplish?

FORD: Senator, I really like -- I've been working in the Middle East
since 1980 when I went out as a peace corps volunteer and I really
like the President's speech on the Arab Spring, the speech that he
gave on May 19, because I think he laid out for -- for the American
people why -- why change in the Arab world matters for us and what
it means for our own national security.

And the point that the President stressed that I really appreciate
was that if democratic transition is underway from Morocco to the
Persian Gulf do matter to us. We have big interest in that part of
the world and it can be positive change, and we should be supporting
democratic transitions throughout the region.

And there may be times when our assistance is needed directly and
our assistance is only needed indirectly but we should look to be
supportive. What I would hope from the Congress is that it works with
the administration to make sure that resources are available when we
need them to support those transition.

I'm gonna be very frank again Senator, if you don't mind, I was in
Algeria during the civil war there in the mid '90s. There was a very
brave Algerian opposition at the time and we had nothing really that
we could offer them. There was no access to the Democratic Institute
and the kinds of programs they do, or the Republican Institute.

Those kinds of programs actually do matter a lot and we work with
civil society and we work with political parties. Those programs do
help and we have clawed and scratched for gains in places like Iraq
and the resources that we commit helped. It's still up to the local
people whether be Iraq, or Syria, or Egypt, or whatever, but we can
help. And I hope we, the American people, will understand the value
to our national security of supporting those democratic transitions.

CASEY: We wanna thank you for your -- your testimony but to express
our gratitude and commendation on a much larger scale for your -- your
commitment, as you say on the ground, which -- which is a noteworthy
and very significant act of public service.

We appreciate that, and we'll work with you and I know that's a
bipartisan sentiment in a time that a bipartisanship was all too rare.

Ambassador, thank you very much for your testimony and we're adjourned.

FORD: Thank you Senator.

END Subject: Sen. John Kerry Holds A Hearing On Nominations

SEN. JOHN KERRY HOLDS A HEARING ON NOMINATIONS

CQ Transcriptions August 2, 2011 Tuesday LLC

EVENT DATE: August 2, 2011 TYPE: COMMITTEE HEARING LOCATION:
WASHINGTON, D.C.

COMMITTEE: SENATE COMMITTE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS SPEAKER: SEN. JOHN
KERRY, CHAIRMAN

WITNESSES: SEN. JOHN KERRY, D-MASS. CHAIRMAN SEN. BARBARA BOXER,
D-CALIF. SEN.

ROBERT MENENDEZ, D-N.J. SEN. BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, D-MD. SEN. BOB CASEY,
D-PA. SEN. JIM WEBB, D-VA. SEN. JEANNE SHAHEEN, D-N.H. SEN. CHRIS
COONS, D-DEL. SEN. RICHARD J. DURBIN, D-ILL. SEN. TOM UDALL, D-N.M.

SEN. RICHARD G. LUGAR, R-IND. RANKING MEMBER SEN. BOB CORKER, R-TENN.

SEN. JIM DEMINT, R-S.C. SEN. JOHNNY ISAKSON, R-GA. SEN. JOHN BARRASSO,
R-WYO. SEN. JIM RISCH, R-IDAHO SEN. JAMES M. INHOFE, R-OKLA. SEN.

MARCO RUBIO, R-FLA. SEN. MIKE LEE, R-UTAH NORMAN EISEN, NOMINATED TO
BE AMBASSADOR TO THE CZECH REPUBLIC WITNESSES: FRANCIS RICCIARDONE
JR., NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF TURKEY ROBERT FORD,
NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE SYRIAN ARAB REPUBLIC SEN. JOHN KERRY,
D-MASS. CHAIRMAN SEN. BARBARA BOXER, D-CALIF. SEN.

ROBERT MENENDEZ, D-N.J. SEN. BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, D-MD. SEN. BOB CASEY,
D-PA. SEN. JIM WEBB, D-VA. SEN. JEANNE SHAHEEN, D-N.H. SEN. CHRIS
COONS, D-DEL. SEN. RICHARD J. DURBIN, D-ILL. SEN. TOM UDALL, D-N.M.

SEN. JOHN KERRY, D-MASS. CHAIRMAN SEN. BARBARA BOXER, D-CALIF. SEN.

ROBERT MENENDEZ, D-N.J. SEN. BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, D-MD. SEN. BOB CASEY,
D-PA. SEN. JIM WEBB, D-VA. SEN. JEANNE SHAHEEN, D-N.H. SEN. CHRIS
COONS, D-DEL. SEN. RICHARD J. DURBIN, D-ILL. SEN. TOM UDALL, D-N.M.

SEN. JOHN KERRY, D-MASS. CHAIRMAN SEN. BARBARA BOXER, D-CALIF. SEN.

ROBERT MENENDEZ, D-N.J. SEN. BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, D-MD. SEN. BOB CASEY,
D-PA. SEN. JIM WEBB, D-VA. SEN. JEANNE SHAHEEN, D-N.H. SEN. CHRIS
COONS, D-DEL. SEN. RICHARD J. DURBIN, D-ILL. SEN. TOM UDALL, D-N.M.

TEXT: SHAHEEN: This hearing will come to order. Good afternoon,
everyone.

Today, we have two panels of nominees but we're doing this a little
differently today. So we're actually going to hear from all three
nominees in the first panel and then we'll do questioning of Mr. Ford
in the second panel. We're fortunate to have Senator Lugar here with
us and we want to try and accommodate his schedule as well as Senator
Lieberman's schedule.

So, on our first panel we will consider the nominations of Norman Eisen
to be Ambassador to the Czech Republic and Francis Ricciardone to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Turkey. And on our second panel, we will
be considering the nomination of Robert Ford to be Ambassador to Syria.

Senator Casey from Pennsylvania will be here. He chairs the
Subcommittee on Near Eastern Affairs and he will chair Ambassador
Ford's questioning portion of the second panel.

All on the post being considered today are critical in strengthening
U.S. influence in safeguarding American interest around the globe. I
look forward to discussing the challenges and opportunities the United
States faces in this three important countries.

Now, as I said, we're doing this a little bit differently today. And
one of the differences is that both of our nominees on the first
panel were nominated last year to serve in the same positions. I
think I chaired one of those nomination hearings last year. But those
nominations were thoroughly considered and approved by the Senate
Foreign Relations Committee and both were held up on the Senate floor
and were not ultimately confirmed by the full Senate.

Seeing the importance of having an ambassador in these critical
countries, the President chose to recess appoint both Ambassador
Ricciardone and Ambassador Eisen to their position. As a result,
the two men have been serving as ambassadors in Prague and Ankara
over the course of the last seven months.

As many of you know, a recess appointment by the President lasts for
only one calendar year. So these two men have been renominated and
the committee will reconsider their nominations.

As the Subcommittee chair on European Affairs, I was supportive of
those nominations last year and I intend to support their nominations
once again. Since both men have already been serving in these roles
will have an excellent chance to hear from them directly about the
challenges they've already seen and their plans for the future.

So, welcome back to the committee, gentlemen. Thank you both for being
willing to go through the nomination process again and to continue
to take on these difficult responsibilities at a very important time
for our country.

First today, we will consider the U.S. relationship with the Czech
Republic. As an important ally of the United States in Central Europe,
the Czech Republic has demonstrated exceptional leadership in Europe
particularly with respect to engaging the region's eastern neighborhood
and pressing for further European integration.

The Czech Republic has made some impressive contributions to
international peacekeeping efforts in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Kosovo.

In addition, the country's unique experience with democratic
transitions should provide some lessons for the United States as we
navigate the ongoing transitions in the Middle East and North Africa.

Today, we also consider the U.S. relationship with Turkey. Turkey
remains a critical NATO ally with a predominantly Muslim population
and a volatile and geopolitically strategic region of the world.

Recent events throughout the Middle East and North Africa have
increased Turkey's strategic importance as a center of power in this
complex region.

There is little doubt that Turkey will continue to play an influential
role in many of the national security threats facing the United
States. I remain a proponent of a strong bilateral relationship with
Turkey and its continued integration into Europe.

However, it is also important to recognize where we have differences.

Turkish troops continue to occupy the Island of Cyprus and the Turkish
government needs to do more to support a just solution in Cyprus.

In addition, Turkey's vote against the fourth round of sanctions on
Iran on the U.N. Security Council raises concerns that the U.S. and
Turkey do not share the same threat assessment with respect to Iran's
nuclear weapons program.

So I want to just briefly introduce our two nominees and I know that
Senator Lieberman is here to provide an introduction for Ambassador
Eisen. So I will let him do most of that introduction. And as I
mentioned previously, Senator Casey will be introducing our second
panel nominee, Ambassador Ford, when he gets here.

I want to welcome Ambassador Ricciardone who is a highly distinguished
long-time career Foreign Service officer. He is the former ambassador
to Egypt, the former deputy ambassador to Afghanistan, and he served
previously in Turkey and throughout the Middle East. He speaks a
number of languages including Turkish and Arabic.

Finally and most importantly, from my perspective, he is a graduate
of Dartmouth College in New Hampshire.

So again, congratulations to all of you on your nominations and I
appreciate your willingness to come before the Committee. As I said,
we're fortunate to have Senator Lugar who is the Ranking Member of
this committee here with us this afternoon and I know that he would
like to make a statement. Senator Lugar.

LUGAR: I am very pleased to join you, Madam Chairman, in welcoming our
nominees to three very important countries and our relationships with
these countries are excellent but we will have an opportunity to review
the events in each of the three as we welcome Ambassador Ricciardone,
Ambassador Eisen, and Ambassador Ford to this committee once again.

Turkey is at the center of several critical issues underscoring
its importance as an ally. In particular, I hope that Ambassador
Ricciardone's perspective on the recent resignations of Turkey's top
military leaders and the effect this will have on political stability
will be a part of our discussion.

Moreover, we will be interested to hear more about the dynamics
related to the upheaval in Syria, Turkey's expanding participation
in regional diplomacy, and its ongoing role in the creation of a
Southern Energy Corridor.

The Czech Republic remains a very important ally of ours in Central
Europe. We will be interested from Ambassador Eisen about ramifications
of Prague's recent announcement it will not participate in the
current plan for the European Phase Adaptive Approach to missile
defence. Regional energy interconnections and diversification in
the Czech Republic also remains fundamental to the United States and
European efforts to improve energy security for the region.

Finally, this hearing is an important opportunity for the committee
to review events in Syria. The Syrian regime appears committed to the
use of violence to suppress the will of its people. In the last few
months alone, more than 1700 people have been killed with more than
10,000 in prison. The toll on Syrian civilians including children
gets worse day by day.

Despite the regime's effort to cut off the internet, cell phones,
other forms of communications, the images continue to get out and
the world is born witness to these brutalities. The causes of peace,
stability in economic and advancement would benefit from a swift
transition to new leadership and a more represented government for
all of the Syrian people.

The alternative is almost (inaudible) of a widening violence in the
prospect of Syterian (ph) conflict. The regime of course seems intent
on playing up to prospects of Syterian (ph) strife and sought the
aide of Tehran as a means to hold on to power. We must explore ways
to work with our allies to present a clear and unequivocal message
to President al-Assad and those around him that the violence must
stop and that a credible -- rather credible political transition of
reform must begin immediately.

I know the government of Turkey has taken a strong stand in this regard
given the potential for increasing refugee flow. Syria's government and
business elite must understand the current path will only deepen their
isolation and intensify consequences for the regime and its leaders.

I look forward to our discussion with the nominees on these issues
and others they will bring forward from their vast experience in
American diplomacy. I thank you.

SHAHEEN: Thank you very much, Senator Lugar.

And Senator Lieberman, we're delighted to have you with us to introduce
Mr. Eisen.

LIEBERMAN: Thanks very much, Madam Chair, and Senator Lugar, it's an
honor to be here. I should express my appreciation to you on behalf
of the nominees that you did not join the herd leaving Washington
after the vote at noon. And thank you for convening this hearing.

I am here to introduce Ambassador Eisen. I would be remiss if I didn't
simply say that I have had the opportunity to get to know Ambassador
Ricciardone and Ambassador Ford and these are two extraordinary
public servants, great representative -- great courageous and formed
representatives of the United States in the countries on which they
have served and are serving now.

I am really honored to be here to introduce Norman Eisen. This
is not a political duty. It is really a personal pleasure because
Ambassador Eisen and his wife, Lindsay, and his daughter, Tamar, are
personal friends of mine and my family. And as -- as you mentioned --
I guess the reason I'm asked is that Norman is one of those stateless
people who lives in Washington D.C. So I occasionally do double duty
by introducing such people.

As you mentioned, Senator Shaheen, Ambassador Eisen was nominated
and given a recess appointment to this point at the end of last year.

Prior to his nomination, he had a distinguished career as a lawyer here
in Washington and then was special council for ethics in governmental
reform in the White House.

I regret that it was necessary for the President to make a recess
appointment in this case but perhaps there is a silver lining here
and that we can now judge Ambassador Eisen based on his performance
over the past six months and that from all that I have heard has been
really exemplary.

Since arriving in Prague, Ambassador Eisen has been to a whirlwind of
activity, winning (inaudible) from everyone from the Czech government
to the American Chamber of Commerce whose leader has said and I quote,
"In your short time in the country, you have already made a significant
impact and you have proven to be one of the most effective ambassadors
to hold this post."

He has been a tireless advocate for America's national interest in
the Czech Republic whether with regard to imposing sanctions against
Iran or winning contracts for American companies.

And with your permission I would like to insert in the record a list
of essentially thank you and testimonials from American companies
who have been doing business in the Czech Republic.

SHAHEEN: Without objection.

LIEBERMAN: For more than two years before Ambassador Eisen arrived
in Prague, the U.S. had no ambassador in the Czech Republic which
spurred doubts and fears among our Czech allies and as you said they
have really been great allies about our commitment to their country.

This is not a situation that we and our national interest should
repeat. So I hope that we can confirm -- give a full conformation
to Ambassador Eisen this time. The Czech Republic has been an
extraordinary partner and ally of the U.S. from the wars in Iraq and
Afghanistan to the promotion of democracy worldwide.

The Czechs are really now among our best friends and allies in
Europe and they deserve to have an ambassador from our country that
is confirmed by the full senate.

Finally, as you may know, Norman Eisen has a deep personal connection
to the Czech Republic his mother having been born there. Both and
she and his father survived the holocaust and it is indeed a profound
historical justice -- an act of justice that the ambassador's residence
in Prague which was originally built by a Jewish family that was forced
to flee Prague by the Nazis who in turn the Nazis took over that house
as their headquarters now 70 years later is occupied by Norman and
his family and I might -- an appointed personal privilege that he --
they observed the Sabbath there every Friday night and Saturday.

So if you need any evidence that there is a God, I offer that to you.

The story of Norm Eisen and his family and their path back to Europe
is a classic American story, a reflection of what our country is about
at its very best and that is also precisely why the Ambassador has
proven such an effective representative of our nation, our interest,
and our values. And again, I hope the committee can lead the Senate
in sending him back to Prague as our ambassador as quickly as possible.

Thank you very much for this opportunity.

LUGAR: Madam Chairman, are there members of the families of the
Ambassadors that are here?

LIEBERMAN: They are.

SHAHEEN: Yes. I -- I think we should ask as you're giving your
testimonies, Ambassador Eisen and Ricciardone, that you should feel
free to introduce your family and let us welcome them as well.

LIEBERMAN: Thank you, Madam Chair and Senator Lugar.

SHAHEEN: Thank you, Senator Lieberman. Thank you especially for
sharing the last story about the residence of the ambassador.

As I said, we are going to begin the panel with Ambassadors Ricciardone
and Eisen and we will also be hearing the opening statement from
Ambassador Ford and then we will save his question and answer
period for the second panel. So I will ask you if you could begin,
Mr. Eisen. And again, feel free to introduce family or friends who
are here with you.

EISEN: Madam Chair, Senator Lugar, Senator Coons, Members of
the Committee, thank you for the opportunity to be here again in
connection with my nomination by President Obama to continue serving
as the United States Ambassador to the Czech Republic. I am honored to
have the confidence and trust of the President, of Secretary Clinton
in representing our country.

Since you asked, I would like to introduce my wife, Lidsay Kaplan,
an Associate Professor of English at Georgetown University, and our
daughter, Tamar.

In representing the United States in Prague is a family effort and
I believe that the Czech people have come to appreciate my family as
much as I do, well almost as much as I do.

When I was last before the Committee, I reflected upon my extraordinary
good fortune as a first-generation American. From the vantage point
of our small fast-food restaurant in Los Angeles where I grew up, my
mother, a Czech -- Czechoslovak Holocaust survivor, and my father,
an immigrant from Poland, could never have imagined that their son
would someday serve as a United States ambassador.

As Senator Lieberman noted and my mother put it recently, just
little more (inaudible), "The Nazis took us away in cattle cars,
and now my son has returned representing the mightiest nation on
earth." As that sentiment suggests, my mission in the Czech Republic
is strongly informed by my deep sense of obligation to this country,
to the United States.

Since my arrival in Prague in January, I have worked with a talented
embassy team in three principal areas.

First, the defense and security relationship between the two countries;
second, commercial and economic ties; and third, shared values,
particularly the shared values of good governance and of civil rights
for all. In each area the relationship was good but we have worked with
the Czech government, with officials across the political spectrum,
with Czech civil society, and with the Czech people to make it great.

In the defense and security realm, the Czechs are staunch allies. Over
the past year, they increased their contributions in Afghanistan to
over 700 soldiers and civilians. Czech personnel operate in some of
the most dangerous parts of the country, and have suffered numerous
casualties there

When I recently visited Afghanistan to thank Czech and U.S. personnel
for their service, U.S. soldiers that I have met gave the Czechs high
praise that included General Petraeus who explained the critically
important responsibilities that our Czech allies are carrying out
side by side and day by date with their U.S. Partners in Afghanistan.

The Czechs are also a staunch friend of Israel and a strong supporter
of U.S. policy towards Iran; they are one of our very best allies in
Europe on those issues and across the board

In their own neighborhood, the Czech Republic is a leading advocate
within the European Union for countries like Georgia, Ukraine and
Moldova through the EU's Eastern Partnership Initiative. Elsewhere,
from Cuba to Burma to Belarus to North Korea, the Czechs are champions
of human rights. We in Embassy Prague are proud to work with our
Czech partners on these issues.

Looking ahead to the future of our defense and strategic partnership,
we are broadening our security cooperation, developing an approach
that goes beyond any single narrow focus to one with multiple areas
of specialized cooperation where the Czechs excel. The Czechs are
world-class strategic partners in areas ranging from helicopters
to Chemical Biological Radiological and Nuclear mitigation to PRTs,
Provincial Reconstruction Teams.

In the economic and commercial area, Embassy Prague has actively
advocated for American business during my tenure. We have an open
door for U.S. firms, and I have met with dozens of American companies,
from the very largest to the smallest.

When they have concerns in the Czech Republic, we vigorously work
to resolve them, engaging all the way up to the highest levels of
government if necessary. I have also encouraged Czech investment in
the U.S., travelling with government officials and Czech businesses to
scout business opportunities here that will generate good, high-paying
jobs in the United States.

In our commercial and economic work, we have particularly emphasized
civil nuclear cooperation. The Czechs have six operating nuclear
reactors and are planning an expansion worth up to $27.5 billion;
is one of the largest opportunities for U.S. business of its kind
anywhere in the world. If Westinghouse, the U.S. competitor, wins
that bid, it will mean an estimated 9,000 new good jobs in the United
States -- across the United States

To support that bid, we have adapted a whole of government approach
here in the United States and with Embassy Prague to establish a broad
civil nuclear strategic partnership between our two countries. So
from fostering new relations between U.S. and Czech R&D facilities,
to making regulatory exchanges, to working together to improve nuclear
safety, our two nations are building a model civil nuclear relationship
for the 21st century.

My third area of emphasis has been the shared values that bind our
two countries together. Czech and Slovak national aspirations in the
20th Century were first realized by the Pittsburgh and Washington
declarations signed right here in the United States after World
War I by President Wilson's great friend and Czechoslovakia's first
president, a revered name in my home growing up, Tomas Masaryk

The United States helped liberate Czechoslovakia from the Nazis,
supported the resistance against Communism, and then helped transform
the goals of the Velvet Revolution into reality. I have carried
that message of friendship, the length and breadth of the country,
visiting almost 20 cities and regions outside of Prague in just about
six months on the job.

My message is one of warm friendship but also candor: I have supported
the initiatives of those in the Czech government, the opposition, NGOs,
business and the Czech public who are working for good government
and against corruption. I believe we are building a model in Prague
of how to respectfully but forcefully engage on those issues.

We have also worked with the Czech government to promote equal rights
and opportunities for all Czech citizens, irrespective of their origin
or faith, including the Roma. My presence in Prague as the child of
a Czechoslovak victim of Nazi persecution is by itself a powerful
message in the fight against extremism and for human rights. Working
with the talented interagency team at Embassy Prague, I have taken
every opportunity to engage with the Czech people and their government
to advance our common goals and values.

I am so, so honored to be asked to represent our country and our
government. Madam Chair and Members of the Committee, thank you for
this opportunity to appear before you. I welcome any questions you
may have.

SHAHEEN: Thank you very much. Before we go on to Ambassador
Ricciardone, I want to just recognize I understand the Ambassador
from the Czech Republic to the United States is in the audience. So
I want to recognize him. Very nice to have you join us and I don't
know if there are any other members of the Diplomatic Core here but
welcome to all of you.

So, Ambassador Ricciardone.

RICCIARDONE: Madam Chair, Members of the Committee, I am very honored
to appear before you today as President Obama's nominee as Ambassador
to the Republic of Turkey, having as you mentioned served in that
capacity as a recess appointee since this past January. I am grateful
to the President and Secretary Clinton for their trust and confidence
in me.

And with me today is my wife and life partner, Marie, whom I married in
Enfield, New Hampshire almost four decades ago, who's been my partner
throughout our Foreign Service adventures in Turkey and long before
in Iran and everywhere else. She is with me, and our daughters are
unable to join us but we all have family connections to Turkey and a
great fondness to that country. Maria studied and taught there as well.

During my 33-year career in the Foreign Service, I have had the
pleasure and the privilege of having served in Turkey previously
three times and through this periods I have observed Turkey's
continuing transformation into a more democratic and more open and
more economically vibrant, modern state and as a player with growing
influence on the world stage.

Throughout this change in development, has been one constant and that
has been Turkey's continues commitment to its partnership with the
United States and the NATO alliance. It is also a member of the G-20
now and having one of the fastest growing economies in the world.

And noting Turkey's history as a majority Muslim nation and as a
secular democracy that respects the rule of law, President Obama
has cited Turkey's critical role in helping to shape the mutual
understanding and stability not only in its neighborhood, but around
the world.

If confirmed, I will continue to do everything I can to reinforce
Turkish-American cooperation in support of our common goals which
are rooted in the security alliance and our shared democratic values.

For decades, Turkey and the United States have cooperated intensively
to promote regional stability, including by countering terrorism and
the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction; resolving regional
conflicts; promoting energy security; expanding trade, investment,
and economic development; and, essential and integral to all of those,
strengthening democracy, human rights, and the rule of law

Several such strategic priorities merge in the cases of particular
and immediate consequence, including in Iraq and Afghanistan, the
quest for peace between Israel and all its neighbors, and Iran's
evident pursuit of nuclear weapons

Other conflicts, as you've mentioned Madam Chair, with historical
antecedents require no less sustained and intensive joint attention
and cooperation, including the unresolved issues of Cyprus and
normalization of relations with Armenia

I have been privileged to serve in Ankara during the Arab Spring,
during which I have strived to enlist Turkish support for the NATO
role in Libya, for a successful transition to democracy in Egypt,
and in collaboration with my colleague and friend next door in Syria
to pressure on the regime in Syria to cease its brutal repression
and to heed the will of its people

And just as the Turkish Government has played an important role in
promoting these political transitions, its government and private
sector are also keen to support economic development in Egypt and
Tunisia that are so critical to long-term stability in the region,
by increasing their trade and investment in those countries. And
wherever possible, Turkey as a government and Turkish firms are
looking for partnerships with American firms.

While we share many goals with Turkey, one of the most important
is countering global terrorism and networks and Turkey has been one
of our strongest partners in that pursuit. Juts last month, Turkish
security officials arrested an alleged Al-Qaeda cell that was plotting
to bomb western interest in Turkey including the United States Embassy.

We support Turkey's own foremost security objective of defeating
the terrorist violence which the PKK continues to perpetrate, and
which has led to the deaths of over 30,000 Turks since the 1980s. We
strongly support Turkey's efforts to improve the human rights and
economic situation for the Kurds and their democratic participation as
full citizens and the rights also of other communities of vulnerable
groups in Turkey.

As the United States maintain its longstanding support for Turkey's
aspirations to join the European Union, we will continue to press
for the reforms required for accession. It is important to note
the Turkish citizens themselves are demanding further progress on
promoting human rights and the rule of law most certainly including
freedom of speech and religious freedom.

And in my return to Turkey, it has been my privilege to meet with the
heads of each other religious minorities, the Ancient Jewish Community
of Istanbul, His All Holiness Bartholomew II who I have first met over
a couple of decades ago with then the Firs Lady, Secretary Clinton,
and met again two weeks ago with the Secretary, the head of the
(inaudible) Church and the head of the Romanian Church as well --
as well as the Baha'I Community leader.

The U.S. supports the transparent and inclusive constitutional
reform process to strengthen Turkey's democracy. We regard freedom
of expression as central to democracy and we believe the reform
process offers a unique opportunity to strengthen the protections
of (inaudible) journalists to nongovernmental organizations and
to minorities.

The President and the Secretary have established economic cooperation
with Turkey as a strategic priority and have emphasized the importance
of supporting American firms and promoting Turkish- American trade
and investment. During the President's April 2009 meeting with Turkish
President Gul, both leaders agreed to elevate our economic relations
to the level of our already strong political and military relations.

So, Turkey is a leading focus in the President's New Export Initiative
to double U.S. exports globally in five years.

It has been a special privilege to return to Ankara over this past
six months to strengthen the communications and the friendship between
our two people in all fields of private as well as official endeavors
including the fields of education, science, and health. I know this
committee and this Senate have strongly supported public diplomacy
and I have tried to make a special effort to communicate with the
Turkish people and bring private American groups and Turks together.

I believe an increasing contacts and communications between Americans
and Turks must be a primary means of advancing our interest on all
of the issues we face together today.

Madam Chair, Ranking Member, Senators, if confirmed to continue my
service as ambassador in my service in Ankara as in my service in all
other posts in the past, I will trust to your support and advice,
and that of your colleagues and constituents who are interested in
the interest of the United States at its stake in Turkey.

Thank you so much for this hearing.

SHAHEEN: Thank you, Ambassador Ford.

FORD: Thank you, Madam Chair. Madam Chair, Senator Lugar, Senator
Coons, I am really honored to appear before you today and I am grateful
for the trust and confidence placed in me by President Obama and
Secretary Clinton in renominating me to serve as the United States
Ambassador to the Syrian Arab Republic at a time when it is more
critical than ever that our voice be heard clearly by the Syrian
regime and more importantly by the Syrian people themselves.

Under the President's recess appointment, I have been working in Syria
since late January. I have to say it has not been an easy job but
the strategic stakes and the strategic opportunities for us that we
have in Syria now are quite dramatic, and there is a hugely important
story about this struggle for human dignity now under way in Syria.

I arrived in Syria about a month before the protests started. In the
past five months, those protests have grown slowly in size and they
now extend across all of Syria. The protesters demand respect for
their basic rights, freedom of speech, freedom to march peacefully,
and they demand an end to corruption and above all they demand that
their government treat them with dignity.

I want to emphasize here we talked about the Arab Spring in
Washington. The key word is dignity, treating people with dignity. But
the government's response has been brutal. It has been outrageous.

Nearly 2000 people have been killed by the Syrian Security Forces
and thousands more arrested and held in barbaric conditions.

One cannot have but admiration for the protesters' courage and also
their ingenuity and that they have stayed generally peaceful despite
bullets, beatings, and the constant risks of arrests and torture.

In my five months there -- sorry, six months, I have seen two principle
tasks in front of me. First -- first, to insist to the Syrian officials
and to convince them that opening more space for the Syrian people to
express themselves is vital for the credibility of those officials,
for the credibility of that government, and for Syria more largely.

There have been a few small positive steps taken by the government.

They have released many political prisoners. They have allowed some
meetings by the political opposition. However, as I said, in general,
their behavior has been atrocious. And their recent actions that we
read about in the newspaper these days only underlined again that the
Syrian government is unwilling to lead the democratic transition that
the Syrian people themselves demand.

My second vital function in Damascus is to work with the Syrian
opposition. I have spent enormous amounts of time discussing with
them their ideas for the future and discussing with them the kinds
of questions that other Syrians and the international community will
ask about them.

It's really important now to give Syrians an ear and to amplify their
voices especially when the international media is barred from Syria.

I have been trying to draw the attention of the Syrian regime and the
attention of the international community to the legitimate grievances
the Syrian people have with their government. The Syrian people want
to be heard. I wish the members of this Committee could have seen how
enthusiastic the protesters in Hama were to have a chance to talk to
the American ambassador.

The crisis in Syria however is not about the United States directly.

As I said, it offers us opportunities to promote respect for our
principles and our ideals. The Syrian crisis offers us opportunities
eventually to reinforce stability and peace in the Middle East. But
Syrians -- Syrians must resolve the crisis. The manner in which the
crisis is resolved has to be a Syrian one.

My job is to help establish the space for Syrian activist and for
Syrian thinkers, for Syrian business people, and for the Syrian people
generally to develop and organize the political transition that must
occur in Syria is to be stable again. Syria's 23 million people are
already thinking about what happens when Assad is no longer president
of Syria.

I believe that we and the Syrian people share a vision of what Syria
could be, an open and democratic country where governance is based on
consent of the government, a unified and tolerant country where Arabs
and Kurds, Sunnis and Alawis, Christians and Druze see themselves as
Syrians first and they celebrate Syria's rich cultural diversity, a
strong country at peace with its neighbors and exercising a stabilizing
influence in the region; a strong country that plays responsible role
in the broader international community; and a country that does not
support Iranian efforts to destabilize the region or give support to
terrorist groups like Hizballah. As the President said on July 31,
Syria will be a better place when a democratic transition goes forward.

I and my team in Damascus, my colleagues at the Department of State
and throughout the U.S. government and most importantly the Syrian
people are working to make that vision a reality.

Madam Chair, thank you for this opportunity to address the Committee
and I look forward to responding to questions at the appropriate time.

SHAHEEN: Thank you all very much for your testimonies.

As I indicated in introducing Ambassadors Eisen and Ricciardone, you
were both recess appointments, so I would really like to begin this
afternoon by asking you each to address the situations that required
your recess appointments and why you believe the Senate should confirm
you this year? And I'll ask you to begin, Mr. Eisen.

EISEN: Madam Chair, as you noted, the Czechs are some of our closest
allies in the region and in the world, and an ambassador was needed
after a hiatus to work on critical issues like Afghanistan, Iran,
Israel, and the potential $27.5 billion civil nuclear export
opportunity worth thousands of U.S. jobs.

It is my understanding that my nomination was held over concerns about
a personnel matter handled by my office when I worked in the White
House. We attempted to resolve those concerns but we're unable to
do so and given the important security and economic issues on which
we worked with the Czechs, the President determined that a recess
appointment was appropriate and indeed was necessary.

Since my arrival in Prague, we have made strong progress on all those
issues, Afghanistan, Iran, Israel, the nuclear contract, and many
other important areas in the relationship. Those remain as vital as
ever. And I believe that progress, the energy that not only I have
put in but the entire Embassy team in Prague together have put in
and the good works that they and we have done I think is the best
case for the continued presence of an ambassador in the Czech Republic.

SHAHEEN: Thank you. Mr. Ricciardone.

RICCIARDONE: Madam Chair, thank you for the opportunity to address
that question.

As you pointed out yourself and as Senator Lugar has pointed out,
Turkey is a pivotal country and a critical place geographically in a
very tense moment of conflict throughout the region that has influence
in all of those issues that are strategic concerns of the United
States. Moreover, internally is going through a hugely important and
deliberate process of change, the Turkish people deciding their own
direction and their future. They do it to us as they go through this.

They care about what we think.

We have an extraordinarily talented embassy team that I found on
arrival on January and there is one now even through our summer
transition. They do the heavy lifting diplomacy everyday and they do
a lot without an ambassador in fact.

But the fact is having an ambassador present improves the United States
access and the ability to speak everyday with people at the top of
government and the different institutions of government including
the military as well as the civilians and with the public in a way
they cannot be done.

So I am very grateful that the President appointed me. I am grateful
to have been there in particular throughout this period of the Arab
Spring with so much going on the region where Turkey has swung in
and helped the stabilizing role in most transitions.

My regret was I was unable to resolve the concerns of an individual
member of the Senate -- former member of the Senate. I will be honored
and grateful to address any concerns from any member regarding past
service or my current service in Turkey or anywhere else. And I thank
you for the opportunity to get us some of that today if there are
any concerns. Thank you.

SHAHEEN: Thank you. As I understand, part of the questioning or
questions that were raised had to do with your tenure in Iraq and
as ambassador to Egypt, were there any particular concerns that you
would like to address today that were raised?

RICCIARDONE: I was very proud of my service not only in Iraq but
before Saddam Hussein went down. I worked with the Iraqi opposition,
the democratic opposition to Saddam Hussein, under President Clinton
and Secretary Albright.

My job was to help organize and support and invigorate the Iraqis who
are working for a post-Saddam future and it was really a privilege
to be part of that. I did that to the best of my ability and openly
worked with members of the Congress who are keenly interested.

At your particular questions, I am not entirely sure what they are. I
am sure I must have antagonized some members of the Iraqi opposition.

I was upholding American policy not necessarily what all Iraqis wanted.

I worked very closely in Egypt with not only with the government but
very much with civil society, the theory of the case we had was we had
to press on all fronts starting with a very stubborn President Mubarak
who was committed in setting his ways with the people around him, with
his government, with his state, and very much with the civil society.

I was privileged to go to the headquarters of opposition movements to
continue the flow of funding provided by the United States through
USAID to civil society groups. I understand that remains an issue
with the government of Egypt but I was proud to continue to do that
and I took up the issue with President Mubarak himself and told him
we were determined to keep doing that.

Again, I'm glad to answer to any particular questions that may come
up. I made it appoint to meet with all of the religious community
leaders with one of the great experiences of my life to have a
Passover Seder in Cairo while the (inaudible) and the pharaoh were
being called down.

I met with His Holiness Pope Shenouda many, many times, sought
his advice on how best to advance the claws of freedom for Egypt's
Christians. I met with the Greek Patriarch. I met with the Russian
Orthodox Patriarch.

I took up the cause of the Bahai's with Mubarak himself and had a
small success on that front. I worked hard and won some and lost
others but that is the nature of our business.

Glad again to address any particular questions on that.

SHAHEEN: Thank you. Thank you for the effort to clarify some of those
concerns that had been raised.

I was very surprised as I am sure a lot of other people were to see
so many of Turkey's generals stepped down over the weekend and I
just wondered if you could give us your assessment of what that means
for the civilian government, what it means in terms of the military,
how do we interpret what happened?

RICCIARDONE: Thank you, Madam Chair. As to what this means for Turkey,
it is democracy. It is civilian government. The Turks themselves are
analyzing all of that and coming -- and debating it and deciding what
it means and we're asking them.

For what it means to the United States and our security relationship
with them, I am very, very confident that it has not caused a setback
in anyway. On the contrary, this time of the year, there is always
a turnover in the leadership. In any case, this turnover happened in
a different way by means of a resignation under evident protest for
particular reasons articulated by General Kosaner. We look forward
to working with the new leadership.

The security relationship though goes beyond individuals. It is based
on institutions. Turkey's state of law and strong institutions that
are durable even though their dynamic changed. I have every confidence
that our security relationship will continue to be strong, that our
military leaders will meet with the new Turkish military leaders. I
look forward on getting back to Ankara to dealing -- meeting with the
new military leadership. I am very confident things will be just fine.

SHAHEEN: Thank you. My time is up. Senator Lugar.

LUGAR: Thank you very much, Madam Chairman.

Ambassador Eisen, the Czech Republic was expected to host the Missile
Defence Radar under the Bush Administration's Missile Defense Plan
for Europe but that plan was scrapped in 2009 in favor of the so-
called Phase Adaptive Approach.

Even though Prague recently announced it was not interested in the
administration's current proposal but participation (inaudible) it
gears open to considering the future, I mean participation in projects.

What do you see is the way of the land there? Has the discussion in any
way disrupted our relationship and how would you propose we proceed?

EISEN: Thank you, Senator Lugar. It has not. This has been -- it
has not disrupted the relationship. This has been an active subject
of conversation and I am pleased to tell you that the government
is strongly supportive of the NATO Missile Defence Plan, the Phase
Adaptive Approach as adapted at Lisbon.

The -- you are of course quite right that an earlier conversation
that we had with the Czech government about the Shared Early Warning
System which was prior to the adaption of a NATO Missile Defence
Strategy at Lisbon was overtaken by events.

The Czechs felt that the data -- the limited date that they would
receive under the SEW System, the Shared Early Warning, was no longer
necessary although we made the offer because of the broader adaption
of the Phase Adaptive Approach.

But part of the result of the good conversations, the good partnership
between the Czech Government and United States, including the Unites
States Embassy in Prague has been strong, strong embrace of the Phase
Adaptive Approach as adapted by NATO at Lisbon. So it is full steam
ahead. We are in as good place as ever on that.

LUGAR: Let me say, you've noted that a key priority of the United
States policy in the Czech Republic is to enhance regional energy
security including diversification. In your view, what are the most
pressing areas for cooperation in this fear?

EISEN: The -- there is a critical energy security issue in the Czech
Republic. 100 percent of the Czech Republic's nuclear fuel is supplied
by Russia, 70 percent of their oil, 65 percent of their gas. We've
made diversification a priority of our engagement. The greatest single
opportunity to achieve energy security is through the expansion of
the Czech Civil Nuclear Capacity.

They have six outstanding high functioning nuclear reactors now,
very strong regulator. Unlike other nations, a very strong national
commitment not just the government commitment but strong public support
for this critical -- this critical alternative energy source in the
21st Century and we really focused there not just on the Westinghouse
bid to expand Temelin which is such a high dollar value, almost $28
billion potentially and so many U.S. jobs.

But that is really just one part of this partnership and we have
worked very hard in Embassy Prague and indeed throughout the United
States government one of the first things I did was come back to talk
to all of the (inaudible) and work on a whole of government approach
to build a 21st Century partnership between our two countries that
goes beyond just that bid.

So we're working on R&D together. We're working on education,
on regulation together in both our countries and that has been an
important part of our work.

I travelled recently with the Foreign Minister of the Czech Republic to
Texas to sign an agreement under our Joint Declaration on Civil Nuclear
Cooperation which we have the Czechs between Texas A&M University,
leading provider of degrees in civil nuclear engineering and the Czech
(inaudible) civil nuclear engineering network in the Czech Republic
so out two nations can build in this area in the 21st Century.

LUGAR: Is there public support in the Czech Republic that is ordinary
citizen understands the diversification of the problem?

EISEN: There is, Senator Lugar. One of the most gratifying moments
for me is returning to my mother's homeland was the rational and the
calm approach that the Czech Republic took post Fukushima to their
energy needs, the need for energy security to diversify energy sources.

There is strong national consensus in favor of expending nuclear,
strong government consensus, and some of the risks factors that
one sees elsewhere whether it is tsunamis or earthquakes are not
present there.

So it is a very, very good location for that expansion. We are very
pleased to work again not just on that bid which is certainly important
but on a broad partnership for civil nuclear energy security that is
a model of how our two nations can work together.

LUGAR: Ambassador Ricciardone, I have two parts of this. First of all,
Turkey remains central for the United States in European efforts
both in the Nabucco Pipeline project revive for greater European
energy independence. I would like your views on what progress has
been achieved recently and where does the project might stand as
opposed to rival pipeline projects?

Secondly, Turkey has been in negotiation with the United States and
NATO on Missile Defence Radar for several years with no agreement
finalized with several outstanding Turkish concerns related to
intelligence sharing with Israel. How close are we to concluding that
deal? Can you make a comment on Nabucco as well as the intelligence
sharing situation?

RICCIARDONE: Senator, on the Southern Energy Transit Corridor of which
the Nabucco is one very good option, I can say that we are intensively
engaged. Diplomats always say that and we always say we're optimistic
and there is progress. I believe there actually is. It is complicated.

There are several governments involved. There are several companies
involved. We are in touch with all of them at top levels.

I can tell you without betraying any confidences that Secretary
Clinton raised this issue with the Prime Minister and the Foreign
Minister of Turkey just two weeks ago. Ambassador Morningstar was
along also. She also raised it with President Gul. We've been pushing.

Prime Minister Erdogan went on to Azerbaijan.

Since then, I have not had readout of his discussions there but I
know he was intending to talk about this issue. A key of course is
getting gas from the Caspian to fill whatever pipeline is going to
come down there. That is the next step.

We're hoping within the next month there will be an agreement by the
concerns -- the companies concerned to fill the pipeline, come to
terms on transit fees and all those technical issues. (inaudible)
with it. We're working on it and we're hoping.

On missile defence, Turkey did support of course the state --
NATO statement at Lisbon. They support the NATO effort to have
the Phase Adaptive Approach Radar System. We've moved well beyond
that in generality to have detailed technical discussions and legal
discussions with the government of Turkey. We're hoping -- naturally
so they wanted to understand what this will mean for Turkey in all
its technical, political, legal, and certainly security aspects,
how it will make Turkey more secure, as well as the rest of NATO.

And we believe we are addressing those questions in full and
substantive detail. We hope that the Turkish government will feel it
has enough information to make a decision very soon. I will be racing
back to Ankara to try to find out more in regard to that.

SHAHEEN: Senator Menendez.

MENENDEZ: Thank you, Madam Chairlady. Congratulations to both of you
on your nominations.

Ambassador Ricciardone, I enjoyed our last conversation we had and I
just want to pursue some items that have developed since we spoke and
one them is with referenced to Cyprus. As well know the parties are
engaged in pretty intense talks facilitated by the United Nations
Secretary and I looked at the developments and I looked at what
happened with the military in Turkey which is in my view been part
of the challenge of getting to a solution in Cyprus and I look at
this new development and wonder how that affects the possibility of
making some real progress.

On the flip side, I look at Prime Minister Erdogan's distribution of
statements which is to forget about what we were negotiating in the
past. So this is now a two-sate solution which is different than a
Bizonal Bicommunal Federation and urging Turkish Cypriots to multiple
in greater numbers or expect to have more (inaudible) from Anatolia.

That does not seem to be in line with moving towards a solution.

So can you give me an update and your perspective since Turkey is a
key player as to whether or not we're going to be able to achieve a
resolution to the division of Cyprus? Are those facts complicating
opportunities? How do you see it?

RICCIARDONE: Senator, I wish I could do the diplomatic thing and say
I am optimistic and there is progress but I don't want to mislead. On
the first part of your question, I don't believe the changes in the
military leadership in Turkey will make any difference one way or the
other in terms of the prospects for the solution we've been after for
so long in Cyprus. I just don't think it is entirely germane. The
military is not calling the shots on this -- on this policy of the
government of Turkey.

As to the Prime Minister's statements, I would rather not parse
his statements and say anything here that makes it any harder than
it already is for the United Nations Secretary General's Special
Representative Downer. He has exceeded in getting President Christofias
and the Turkish community leader, Eroglou, to commit to meeting with
some frequency, I believe twice a week, from now, you know, into the
fall to press, press, press, press for the only shape of the solution
that anyone is ever considered possible, certainly that we have,
which is a Bizonal Bicommunal Federation.

We continue to uphold that and support it. Again, the Secretary of
State and Assistant Secretary Gordon raised this when they were in
Istanbul with the Turkish leadership just a couple of weeks ago.

MENENDEZ: But you really do not believe that Eroglou could make his
own decisions not withstanding what the Turkish government's views
are? Do you believe that he could make independent decisions not
withstanding what the Turkish government believes?

RICCIARDONE: I think what the Turkish government wants and believes
is extremely salient. I would point though and even since I have
been back to Turkey this time, there have been some tensions in the
relationship between the community in Northern Cyprus and Ankara. They
have come out to the -- there have been protests even back and forth.

So they identify themselves as Cypriots from my understanding,
Turkish Cypriots to be sure but Cypriots. And they are -- that is a
distinct identity.

Beyond that, I wouldn't wish to comment, you know, to (inaudible)
as to how far, you know, Mr. Eroglou would go in making decisions
that would be of variants from Ankara.

MENENDEZ: Yes. I -- I wasn't asking you so much about Eroglou as much
as the assignment when you're at, Turkey and its influence in this
decision-making process.

>>From our perspective, certainly from mine, I have been following
this for almost 20 years now. It is clear to me that Turkey has a
very significant influence in whether or not this issue is resolved
and not in the way that it is acceptable both to Greek and Turkish
Cypriots as well as to the international community. And I just get
a sense that based upon the Prime Minister's most recent statements
I just think it has become more on the risk not less on the risk to
try to achieve that goal.

Let me turn to another issue which I'm sure you would want to be
diplomatic about and that is the question of as our ambassador to
Turkey in this interrelationship with Armenia, from your view, has the
United States ever denied the fact that there was an Armenian genocide?

RICCIARDONE: We have -- I stand behind President Obama's
characterization of the Yegz Meghern as the Armenian themselves call
it. The tragic massacre, murder of a million and a half men, women,
and children marched to their deaths in 1915 but I stand behind our
characterization of that and our efforts of what we're trying to
do now.

MENENDEZ: Would you disagree with President Obama's statements as
Senator Obama?

RICCIARDONE: I would not disagree with my President and his
characterization of this, of course not.

MENENDEZ: Would you disagree with Vice President Biden's
characterization as Senator Biden?

RICCIARDONE: If they are both now my superiors, I certainly would
not disagree with their comments -- with their (inaudible).

MENENDEZ: Would you disagree with the Secretary of State's
characterization of the Armenian genocide as Senator Clinton?

RICCIARDONE: I certainly would not disagree with my Secretary of State.

MENENDEZ: You are wiser beyond your years.

(LAUGHTER)

MENENDEZ: Each of these individuals, the President of the United
States, the Vice President of the United States, the Secretary
of State as the senators at the time from their respective states
acknowledged the fact of the Armenian genocide during their tenure
as senator and it just seems to me, Madam Chair, that one again,
I appreciate Ambassador your remarks -- responses.

But here we are again playing an incredibly difficult set of
circumstances where we have the nominees to Armenia going to Armenian
genocide commemorations and never being able to use the word genocide.

We have our Ambassador to Turkey which is important party to try to
get the (inaudible) and move forward for the future but if you can
recognize the historical facts you cannot get on the future in the
same set of circumstances than you have, you know, our President,
our Vice President, and our Secretary of State, all who very clearly
as members of this body recognized that there was an Armenian genocide.

It is very difficult to understand how we move forward on that respect,
very difficult on how we put our diplomats on that respect.

But I appreciate your answers. And I have other questions but I see
Mr. Ford is coming I guess at some point.

SHAHEEN: He will be here for the second panel.

MENENDEZ: All right. Thank you, Madam Chair.

SHAHEEN: Senator Casey.

CASEY: Thank you, Senator Shaheen. And I want to thank both of our
-- both of the nominees for your public service and for your public
service and for your testimony here today. I know that the time is
short and we are limited in the topics we can cover but I do want to
start with Ambassador Ricciardone in the sense that we are going to
be talking later at some length about Syria and the massacre that is
going on there.

And it's been my sense and I think it is a widely shared view that over
a number of years if no for more than a generation but certainly within
the last number of years Turkey has been able to play significant
role as a regional balancer of the power of the region. It has also
been very constructive at times in the region.

And this is one of those times when the world needs the help that
Turkey can provide as it relates to Syria. These acts of violence
against the people of Syria are unacceptable. It is a regime that no
longer has legitimacy at all because of those acts of violence.

I guess I'd ask you, I know that Prime Minister Erdogan has been
pretty clear and I think pretty strong in his statements as it relates
to what has been happening in Syria. But I would ask you to reflect
upon and give us your sense of what -- what Turkey's perspective is
on this violence? What Turkey can do in the near term to put pressure
on this regime and how Turkey can be a constructive force within the
region on this central question?

RICCIARDONE: Senator, thank you for that question. In fact, we have
been engaged with Prime Minister Erdogan directly. I personally have
taken message to him from President Obama. The President has spoken
with him personally. The Secretary did just a couple of weeks ago.

He, President Gul, the Foreign Minister have all had Syria very high
on their scope because as they point out as important as Egypt and
Tunisia and Libya, all are in their transitions. Turkey shares an 800
plus, 850 km border with Syria. There are family relationships. There
is an important trading relationship.

Any instability in Syria could have direct security and economic
repercussions on the Turkey's vital national interest. As you pointed
out, Senator, the Prime Minister back in June had spoken out against
what he called the barbarity of the Fourth Brigade action against
Jisr al-Shughour in northern Syria.

Just yesterday, President Gul spoke I think for all Turks responding
to the images on the Turkish televisions on what was going on in
Hama by saying that he was horrified and shock, and he even noted
that necessary sanctions may be on the table.

This was moving, carry (ph) forward as one thing when Western countries
expressed our outrage and talk about these things but when a neighbor
as powerful as Turkey said these things, I have to hope that the
Syrian government will pay attention.

I don't think I'd be betraying (ph) your confidence. I think the
Prime Minister has made very clear in public a conversation with
senate delegation just about a month ago where among other times we
press to find out what the Turks were thinking and the Prime Minister.

He made clear that he was very upset, worried, concerned but he believe
that Turkey had to exhaust every other avenue to induce change and
reform in Syria and get them to stop the violence against their own
people, to listen to their people. He admitted that they'd been trying
hard and they had not been very successful.

The United States, we find ourselves in the same position. We've tried
everything to encourage, pressed, pressure for reform. My colleague
will speak to those efforts in a few minutes, and we've heard President
Gul yesterday expressing Turkey sense that perhaps their -- the reach
-- something like the end of that -- of that patience. We'll have
to see.

CASEY: I also wanted to -- and I know there's more we could talk
about with -- with regard to Syria. I wanted to move to the question
of Iran. We know that the Iranian regime has been the subject of a
broad array of sanctions and that's in the last year or so, been a
very positive step in the right direction.

There's a lot of unanimity in the region and well beyond the region
above, sanctions against the Iranian regime. I asked you with regard to
that question, how you -- how you assess or how you think the Turks can
help us to enforce those sanctions to make sure that they're enforce
by their government and to make sure that they can be a constructive
force in urging Turkish companies and -- and other businesses in the
region to comply within the -- not just comply but to be cognizant
of those Iranian sanctions?

RICCIARDONE: Thank you, Senator. The Turkish leadership at all levels
whenever we speak about Iran are emphatic that they oppose any Iranian
effort to acquire weapons of mass destruction. They point out that
they'd be the first victims of owning a special weapon but of a raise
for such weapons in the region which they do not want to see unleash.

They assert that they are firmly enforcing United Nations Security
Council sanctions including under 1929 for which they didn't vote.

Beyond that, we have asked for specific help. They say that the United
States laws, specific U.S. sanctions, the CISADA in particular does
not apply to Turkey but they acknowledged that Turkish firms can
be affected.

And Turkish firms will have to make a choice under our law, as to
whether to deal with America and American companies or Iranian ones.

We've asked them to go beyond that and help publicized what that means
in technical detail, if banks or other companies want to do business
with Iran, help them understand.

We're putting out this information. We at the U.S. Embassy are glad
to spread that information, and we asked Turkish regulators and
government entities to, you know, point out, remind their companies
the choices they're going to have to face and make the information
further available in Turkish to their -- their companies. We're
working with them.

CASEY: Let me just say in conclusion, I -- with regard to Cyprus, I've
associated myself with Senator Menendez's comments about that subject.

And I know, Dr. Eisen, we don't have time to ask you a question
but we'll submit something in writing but I think you know the high
regard I have for you as well. And we have a lot of mutual friends
in Pennsylvania. Thank you.

EISEN: Thank you, Senator Casey.

SHAHEEN: Senator Coons?

COONS: Thank you, Madam Chairwoman. I wanna thank Ambassadors
Ricciardone, Eisen, and Ford for your service over the past year. I
clarify that in my view, you all three served with distinction and
advocate for your confirmation, so you can continue in the strong
leadership role.

I won't stay for the second panel, so I wanted to particularly commend
Ambassador Ford for demonstrating real leadership resolve in the
face of very difficult circumstances in Syria by both personally of
going to a meeting with demonstrators and protesters, and some very
difficult circumstances, and in advocating for our values and our
interest as a nation.

I hope it is clear that many in this body share Secretary Clinton's
statement that President Assad has lost legitimacy to lead and very
grave concern about the path forward in Syria. And as it relates
to Turkey, I'm very concerned about recent events about what this
weekend's resignation of military leadership really mean? About the
tension between the secular military, traditions and foundations in
the modern Turkish state and the increasingly Islamist's tendencies
of some in the current administration.

I'm very concern about Turkey's relationship with Israel. To Ambassador
Ricciardone, you've chosen a particularly interesting post to return
to as the questions from other members of the panel suggested, whether
it's the relations with Cyprus, with Greece, the ongoing challenges
in Iran, in Syria, the relationship with Israel.

There's plenty we could dedicate our time to and I mean no disrespect
to Ambassador Eisen who serves with our closest and best allies but
Turkey presents a rich menu of potential questions to pursue. You're
last comment there about the choice that Turkish companies must make
between facing sanctions under CISADA is something I strongly support
and appreciate.

Senator Casey, raising the issue, I think it is very critical that
we engage Turkish business. So, I'm grateful for your leadership in
the U.S. - Turkey Business Council and promoting entrepreneurship
and opening the U.S. markets but I would also urge your aggressive
engagement to the extent appropriate in clarifying our very strong
concerns as a nation about Iran and its development.

I was pleased to hear response to previous questions, your view, the
Prime Minister (inaudible) is being engaged and effective in advocating
for, I think, what is a very broadly shared multinational concern over
the tragic events in Syria and over the, I would view it, as crimes
against humanity by the Assad regime in murdering their own people.

I also want to associate myself with Senator Menendez's questions
about Cyprus and ask you a few question if I could briefly. The first
would be, what have you been able to do in order to promote religious
freedom. Your reference to meeting with His Holiness Bartholomew,
what path forward you think there might be for restoring the property
and the Halki Theological Seminary?

And what could we be doing to be a more effective partner with you
in advocating for religious tolerance and openness in Turkish society?

And then second, what's your assessment of the state of Turkish-Israeli
relation. Turkey, for a very long time, was the vital ally of Israel
and it's my hope that the recent changes in military leadership may
open a window for improve relations.

I recognize this is a very difficult moment and -- and getting past
the difficulties of last year's flotilla incident are quite difficult.

So given the limitations of your role as a diplomatic representative
of the United States, I would welcome any insight you'd had for us,
and how we strengthen business ties and recognize that they are
wonderful ally in a conflict in Afghanistan and Iraq, and has stood
by us in NATO and in many context, while pressing forward religious
freedom and the importance of our strategic relationship with Israel.

RICCIARDONE: Senator, thank you for all those questions. Let me start
with the religious freedom first and then -- and go on to Israel and
if you wish to pursue Cyprus and CISADA, we can do that as well. On
religious freedom, I have raised this question with all the leaders
I've been privileged to see and I made it a point to call on the
community leaders as well.

One of the community leader's perspective, not only on the property
issues and it's not only with the Greek Orthodox of course, the senior
patriarchate but also the Armenian community, the Cyrenianists, have
their own parallel source of issues, and I've got into some detail
with them. We've learned the legal questions.

They all have legal cases at one level or another in the Turkish
courts, which they're prepared to take unto international courts. I
don't want to betray any of their confidences in these legal things
but they are encouraged by the first every contacts they're having
with high leaders of the state, both sensitive (ph) ones regarding
their issues.

And then things have really matter in that part of the world in
particular and that is honor and dignity, and respect. They have
had the first ever visits by high officials of the state to them,
not them, to their offices, of the Prime Minister and the governor
but governors and the Prime Minister coming to them.

That -- that has not happen before or in any one's memory at least in
the modern history of the Republic. When I've raised these with high
officials of the state, they say, "why should you be surprise"? We
are not afraid of religion and very interestingly, they -- they follow
our debates about personal freedom and religious freedom.

And they say, here's how you can understand this, American Ambassador,
in your country you have in recent years made a distinction between
freedom of religion and the concept of freedom from religion. And
for too long in our modern Republic, we focused on preventing the
intrusion of religion in our national life and political life.

We're quite comfortable to be observant Muslims. Please don't call us
Islamists by the way, they tell us. But to the extent, someone is --
is praying as a Christian or a Jew, it really doesn't bother us at
all. Why should it? It's no threat to the state. On the contrary, we're
rather proud of -- of our diversity and we're happy to have them do it.

As to the property issues, let us take a fresh look at this and --
and make sure that they get justice. I'm very hopeful. Again, I don't
wanna betray any confidences. I don't wanna overpromise but I dare
be hopeful that, Halki Seminary in particular will be resolved which
is our Holiness's anniversary of ordination this year, his 40th year
as a priest, and I know he would very much like to see that resolve
this year. We would too.

On Israel, I -- I can't speak for results. I've spent time there. I
have Israeli friends. I -- I don't claim expertise but I feel very
certain having discuss this at length with the Prime Minister and the
Foreign Minister, certainly the military leadership with all these
Turks whatever they're feelings, misgivings, irritation issues over
the terrible flotilla incident of last year over events in Gaza,
they understand.

That to influence events in the region, to be part of a more peaceful
and prosperous region which is in their vital national interest, they
need to have a normal fruitful, respectful full diplomatic dialogue
with Israel and they want to get back to that. We've worked very much
with both sides. We've reminded each side of the stake they have and
the relationship with the other.

And neither side really needs any reminding, they know the importance
of it. Secretary of State again has been working on this personally
through her recent visit and otherwise. I dare be hopeful that Turkey
and Israel would figure this out and I certainly hope to see a Turkish
Ambassador back in Tel Aviv very, very soon. Let me end there if I may.

COONS: Thank you very much for your hard work, Mr. Ambassador. It's
a vital strategic relationship and I'm grateful for your advocacy on
behalf of the people of the United States with the Republic of Turkey.

Thank you, Madam Chair.

SHAHEEN: Thank you, Senator Coons. I have to go to preside over the
Senate in just a few minutes but I did want to raise one more question
for Ambassador Eisen before I go. Critics of the Obama Administration's
reset policy with Russia have suggested that engagement with Russia
would come at the expense of our allies in Central and Eastern
Europe. I wonder if you could speak to the Czech Republic view of
the administration's reset efforts with Russia.

EISEN: I think that the Czech Republic has come to understand and
appreciate the spirit of the reset with Russia and the benefits that
confers, not just for U.S. Russian relationship but -- but in the
region. Of course, the President has made Prague the centerpiece of
these issues, going to Prague twice including, I have the privilege
to accompany him last year for the signing of the START Treaty with
President Medvedev.

I was very pleased. I think in -- in a token of the -- and indeed more
than a token, a recognition of the -- the importance of these issues
that might Czech colleagues affirmatively embrace the so called, Prague
Agenda, and took the bull by the horns and schedule the conference,
an international conference on the Prague Agenda not long after I
arrived in the Czech Republic to commemorate the one-year anniversary
and the two-year anniversary of the President's speeches there.

We have representatives from Russia, from the United States, and from
around the world come including Dr. Gary Seymour from the White House.

One of the principal advisers to the President on these matters,
to think about what the long-term benefits can be for the region and
for the world.

So, I -- I think we've made good progress. I could give other examples
but I think we've made good progress on these grounds. It is important
to have an ambassador there to help convey communications in both
directions on this subject and very pleased with where we are on the
reset now.

SHAHEEN: Thank you very much. Senator Casey or Senator Coons, do
either of you have any other questions for this panel? I have a few
other questions that we will present in writing for each of you and
the record will stay open until close of business on Friday for any
further questions from members of the committee.

So, hearing -- no further questions, I will thank you both again for
your service and your willingness to continue to do this and hope
we can get swift actions from the Senate and close this hearing,
and turn the gavel over to Senator Casey.

CASEY: We will start our second panel and Mr. Ford I know before
I arrive here that you had an opening statement. What I'll do is
I will present an opening statement and then we can go right to --
then go right to questions. Am I correct in that, you did present?

FORD: Yes, Senator that is correct.

CASEY: I wanna make sure. Thanks so much. Well, thank you everyone for
being here. I know we're moving to our second panel on a -- on a very
busy day but I wanted to get right into these critically important
issues. Over the past few days, scores have been killed in Hama. The
same location of the devastating attack by government forces in the
year 1982, which killed an estimated 10,000 Syrian civilians.

Despite the sustained assault by government forces, Syrian activist
continued to demonstrate in very large numbers. A testament to their
courage, their cause, and their desire for the most basic element of
human rights and human dignity.

The horror place taking place in Syria today has led me and I know
many others in this body, the United States Senate, to be very clear
about the conclusion that we've reached. This is a regime that is not
capable of real reform. It has lost all legitimacy. We must be direct
and I believe unequivocal in our message to the dictator of Damascus.

Bashar Al-Assad must step down. The Syrian people should not have to
bear the brutality of this regime any longer.

Let's not forget how these demonstrations in fact started. These
demonstrations started with children. On March the 6th of this year,
the Syrian authorities arrested 15 school children in the city of
Dara for spray painting any government slogans. These children were
reportedly tortured while there were in fact in custody.

Their parents and members of the community demonstrated and called
for their release. The police use force on the parent and community
leaders and within a week, had killed 55 people. Today after
months of courageous demonstrations and of course that's a dramatic
understatement. There's no other way to adequately convey the courage
and the valor of these -- of these people.

After all of that demonstration, some estimates are that the death
toll has reached maybe as high as 2000 but at least more than 1600.

Some think of course that even 2000 would be too low. We don't know
for sure but it is unacceptable for us to standby any longer and just
watch this.

The terrible reach of this regime has directly affected constituents
in my home state of Pennsylvania. Dr. Hazem Hallak is a naturalized
American citizen from Syria and respected oncology researcher who
lives in Merion Park, Pennsylvania, just outside of Philadelphia.

In May, his brother Sakher who was also a doctor visited the U.S. to
attend a medical conference. Upon his return to Syria, Sakher was
missing. His wife contacted the authority to confirm that he was in
their custody but would be released shortly.

The next day, Sakher's wife and daughter were interviewed by the
authorities who again confirm that he would be released. Two days
later, his body was discovered in a village 20 miles south of Aleppo.

The authorities then denied him -- or denied that he was ever in their
custody and claimed that they found his body in a ditch, by the side
of the road.

Sakher's body was subjected to brutal torture. His bones were broken
and his body was mutilated in unspeakable ways. Sakher was not a
political activist. He was not involved in the demonstrations. His
sole offense appears to be his visit to the medical conference and
his visit with his brother in the United States of America.

We honor his memory, Sakher's memory and hundreds of others by calling
for democratic change in Syria. We know that our allies across the
Arab League and in Turkey, as I raised before in the first panel,
have a unique and critical role to play here to pressure Mr. Assad.

They have economic and diplomatic ties with Syria that the United
States does not have. I support these efforts to leverage these
relationships for a comprehensive regional approach to this crisis
and applaud our allies who have rejected the Assad regime.

In addition to strong messages from Washington and a concerted
diplomatic push, more can be done to pressure Syria at International
bodies. We need to maintain pressure on Syria at the United Nations
Human Rights Council. We should also continue to pursue a resolution at
the UN Security Council, condemning the Syrian government's behavior.

On Monday of this week, Germany called for Security Council meeting
on Syria which I hope will result in a strong resolution. While some
Security Council members remain resistant, especially in the wake of
recent violence, it is unacceptable for the United Nations to continue
ignoring the courage of the Syrian people and carnage brought about
by the Syrian regime.

We must also continue to pursue efforts to constrict the ability of
this regime to conduct business abroad. I welcome the new European
Union sanctions on Syria announced this week, which imposed asset
freezes and travel bans on five more military and government officials.

We must also be willing to examine expanded sanctions on the banking
and energy sectors. I also wanna to applaud the courageous work done
by our diplomat in Damascus led by Robert Ford who is with us today.

Ambassador Ford's recent trip to Hama was a testament to his commitment
to representing the interest and the values of the United States. Due
to the draconian measures imposed on the media by the Assad regime,
Ambassador Ford has been one of the few people who has traveled within
Syria and borne witness to the truth of the terrible crimes taking
place across that country.

President Obama was right to send Ambassador Ford to Syria last year.

I look forward to supporting his confirmation when it comes before
the full Senate. Mr. Ford has shown that an American Ambassador is
not a gift to host countries but a representative who actively pursue
American interest and American values.

The most basic American value, the right to democratic representation,
is at stake in Syria and much more of course is at stake. And I know
that Ambassador Ford has been a stalwart advocate for this principle
of democratic representation while he has served in Damascus.

Ambassador Ford welcome back to the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee. I know this is your second welcome today but I thank you
for your decades -- decades of service and remarkable efforts you
and your team have undertaken in Damascus. And I look forward to the
answers you'll provide to our questions.

I wanted to open up with just an assessment, your assessment of --
of the violence in the current state of the -- not just the violence
and the -- the scale of it but also what can you tell us about the
opposition and how they're doing and, you know, how we can be most
-- most effective and most helpful? We, meaning the United States
Congress.

FORD: Thank you very much Senator. It's nice to see you again.

(CROSSTALK)

CASEY: Thank you.

FORD: First if I may, I -- I am very fortunate to work with the small
but very dedicated team at the US Embassy in Damascus, both Americans
and Syrians, and one of my team is here. She actually interrupted
her vacation to help me during these few days of meetings I have
in Washington. So, I'd like to introduce Joanne Cummings who is
wearing red.

Joanne works on economic and political issues in Damascus. She lives
in Damascus without her husband who has evaluated because of the
deteriorating security situation. All of our Americans staff there
live without their family and it's a really super team and it is a
team effort.

(CROSSTALK)

CASEY: Thank you as well on our behalf.

FORD: Senator, with respect to the violence, it's getting worse. The
Syrian government's constant brutality, its refusal to allow peaceful
marches, its insistence on widespread arrest campaign, and its
atrocious torture, that the reports you read about, the detention
condition are just ghastly, they are in turn fostering more violence.

What we saw that in the third largest city of the country, Homs two
weeks ago. We're seeing at this weekend too I think but I wanna be
clear, I visited Jisr al-Shughour on a government sponsored trip in
June. I heard what they said and I wandered away from the crowd and
talk to some other people.

It's very clear what happen up there. There was a peaceful protest on
a Friday. Syrian Security Force, they shot some of the protesters. At
the funeral on Saturday the next day, the people got quite emotional
because they have lost Muslims and they then attack and killed a lot
of Syrian Security people.

That paradigm, that cycle is repeated over and over again. The cycle
starts with Syrian government violence against peaceful protest. We
need to be very clear. The Syrian government was saying there are
armed groups up in Hama. I went there. I didn't see a single gun. The
most dangerous weapon I saw was a slingshot.

We need to be clear about what then nature of the violence is and
where it comes from. The responsibility lies to President Assad and
his government, and let me again reiterate the call by the President
on July 31st, the Secretary yesterday, the Syrian government needs to
stop that slaughter. Would you like me to discuss briefly, Senator,
the opposition?

CASEY: Yes, thank you.

FORD: I -- I spent a fair amount of my time getting to know them
inside Syria. The Secretary today met a group of Syrian opposition
members that are living outside Syria, and I was able to join that
meeting as well. A couple of things I would say about them. It's a
diverse group. They're not very well organized. That is not surprising.

The Syrian government for decades would not allow any opposition party
to exist, much less meet and much less organize. They are trying to do
that now. Very frankly, they have a long way to go. It is important
for the Syrian opposition to develop their ideas, Syrian ideas about
how the democratic transition in Syria, which we think is underway and
in the street protests, as I said, in my opening statement are growing.

The democratic transition is underway. The Syrian opposition needs to
identify how that transition should proceed. That should not be an
American responsibility, this is a Syrian issue that Syrians should
decide. How about if I hold there Senator?

CASEY: Thank you very much and I know that Americans are outraged by
this violence but I'm afraid that when you open up a newspaper, day
after day and it's in the context of instability in -- in a lot of
places and a lot of change in the Middle East that it -- it might be
that the level of outrage might be more muted because it's in -- in the
context of so much of the news and so much of the change in the region.

It's always a region of a lot of volatilities. You know better than
I that lately it's been that much more difficult. So, I think it's
difficult sometimes for -- for many Americans to sustain their focus
but it's my opinion that not only should Mr. Assad step down but he
should stop kind of deliberately mislead the world, where he -- his
forces engage in an act of violence and then it seems it's always
followed by some -- some fraudulent promise that they're going to
reform and then that cycle gets repeated as well.

How about -- and I know part of the impediment here is developing a
broad enough coalition of nations, a government to support us, and
I know that we're -- we're trying to get an even broader coalition
and one of the challenges we have is engaging Russia and China. And
they are two of the most vocal opponents, I don't know why.

I can't understand it. I don't agree with it but we have to acknowledge
it. They're two of the most vocal opponents against any kind of
resolution in the Security Council. What can you tell us about efforts
to engage there and what the latest is?

FORD: Senator, there had been intense discussions today up in New York,
again, about some kind of UN Security Council Action. My understanding
from colleague up in New York a couple of hours ago, was that the
most recent Syrian government repressive measures in places like
d'Azur out in the east and in Hama in the West have -- had an impact.

And that the members of the Security Council who had opposed Security
Council action are potentially now more open to some kind of action.

Discussions are underway. My understanding is, even as we speak here,
we think it is important, I wanna underline this, we think it is
important that the United Nation Security Council take action.

We think it is important that the international community recognize
the courage and the efforts of the Syrian people to effect change,
to push for freedom and dignity, and that the international community
should support them.

CASEY: One of the challenges we have when I mentioned that sometimes
it's hard for Americans to -- to sustain a focus on -- on violence,
even violence at this level and the kind of brutality. One of the
limitations we have is not just the -- the confluence of a lot of
events that interfere or prevent that focus from being intensified,
one of the challenges we have is lack of information because of the
Syrian government's ability to sensor limited information.

I spoke earlier of the -- the estimates of the number killed but even
beyond just that number which -- which we're never sure is accurate,
are there -- you obviously have concerns about this but let me --
let me ask you, are there ways that we can circumvent or get around
the -- the sensors that are in placed now, the -- the ability of the
Syrian government to prevent the free flow of information?

FORD: Senator, one of the big topics that I had in my discussions
with officials of the Syrian government over the last several months
is the importance of allowing in international media. I do not know
how many times I have raised that with the foreign minister, with my
foreign minister, with close advisers to President Assad himself.

The Syrians have a refrain which I hear all the time which is, the
media coverage is unfair. To which I have told them, well then you
need to have the media come in and look at it and let them draw their
own judgment. I will say that after my last conversations about that,
CNN was invited in. National Public Radio, Deb Amos was invited in.

And we got a couple of British news agencies and they were still kind
of tracked and monitored in the country. They didn't have nearly the
kind of freedom that I would have like to see, that we would have
like to have seen. And I think NPR just got back in again but you're
right that the censorship is a huge problem.

And one of the reasons that I have moved around the country is to get
a sense myself of what's going on. It's terribly frustrating to not
really understand. I mean you can watch You Tube videos but there
is a certain utility to having your own eyes to see things. I have
been encouraging my colleague ambassadors in Damascus to get out of
Damascus and to visit parts of the country.

Some are quite active, the French Ambassador for example, and I think
we then also need to help the Syrian people themselves, the activist,
learn how to make the best use of technology, so that they too can
use the internet to get the word out, and I have to say they're quite
ingenious doing this.

In fact, colleagues of mine at the embassy tell me that the Syrians
understand a lot of the internet, GTAP and such things, better than
some of us do. So, there's a lot of ingenuity there, Senator but the
fundamental problem is that the Syrian government will not allow the
free flow of information and that should stop.

CASEY: Well in some ways, that's -- that's one of the at least the
way I would -- the way I would make a determination about legitimacy.

That's -- that's one of the measurements if -- if you're -- if you're
not allowing the free flow of information. I think that -- that at
a minimum, questions arise about -- about the implications of that.

I wanted to return -- I meant to ask you before when you're talking
about the -- the opposition and I know this is difficult to do,
especially in the - you're in the -- in the vortex of this much more
so than I am, are people here in Washington but to -- to the extent
you can step back a little bit and provide a perspective based upon
recent events.

One of the most and this is my opinion, but one of the most significant
factors and how the transition took place in -- in Egypt for example,
was the fact that you had a military which showed some measure, not --
not I don't wanna to be categorical about this, with some measure of
forbearance. And you had -- you had a number of folks who were in the
-- in the ruling (inaudible) who also showed some forbearance or at
least some were measured in the way they've responded.

And that allowed a kind of transition which, compared to some
other places we might have -- we might not be hoping would -- would
replicate itself. Is there any -- in Syria, is there any element
within the government at a -- at a high level within the government
or within senior leadership of the military where you see some, even
unrealized potential at this point for some balance and maybe even
some -- some forbearance where they might not cross certain boundary.

They might -- someone at the top that has been saying, this has
gone too far, we've gotta at least stop and pause, if not. I'm not
expecting anyone at the highest levels to -- to agree with me about
Mr. Assad's stepping down but is there -- is there any potential for
someone to at the highest level of civilian or military leadership
to show that kind of forbearance at some point in the near term?

FORD: Senator, let me be very frank. I have heard from a number of
officials in Damascus, messages of good intent. I have to tell you
that what matters is change on the ground and -- and to the shooting
of peaceful protesters and end to this (inaudible) were hundreds of
young people are rounded up without any kind of judicial process and
held for months, often in barbaric condition.

The release of political prisoners. There are still political
prisoners not been release. Change on the ground and when I have --
I have listened to these messages of good intent and when I come back
to them and say, what about changing this and changing this today or
tomorrow. I don't get much back.

A few things here and there Senator but not very much, and our
conclusion is that this regime is unwilling or unable to lead the
democratic transition that the Syrian people are demanding now. And in
a sense, unwilling or unable doesn't really matter because what we are
interested in, the Syrian people are interested in, the international
community is interest in, is that change on the ground.

The positive change on the ground. And the incidents just over the
past few days, leading up to Ramadan and then since the start of the
month, show that there is no positive change on the ground.

CASEY: I was afraid your answer would be very much the way you just
articulated, and I think if anything, that should be -- that -- that
should be testimony that -- that equates I guess to exhibit A as to why
we gotta maintain pressure and -- and think of other ways to provide
or to impose I should say even greater pressure by developing and
strengthening alliances through engagement and through efforts that
are made in a way of sanctions or other pressure because my sense and
I think you just confirmed it, is that this not a regime that's gonna
get tired of doing this, unless they -- they have a countervailing
force against them, that will make them change.

I guess I wanted to explore some of that -- some of those other
pressure points. There -- there are some commentators, some with the --
with the significant degree of experience who think that we should be
turning up more pressure and imposing more economic pressure by way
of the -- by way of the energy sector. I wanted to get your -- your
thoughts on that in terms of a -- another -- another approach here.

FORD: Senator, it's an excellent question. On the energy sector,
we have for years have sanctioned against American companies doing
business there. And so unilaterally, additional American measures,
unilaterally, probably are not gonna have that big of an impact. The
big companies that are working in Syrian energy, petroleum oil and
gas sector in Syria right now are mostly European and Canadian, and
so we would look to find ways to work with our partners to enhance
those sanctions.

And frankly, we have had discussions about that and that is underway.

European and Canadians too are watching what's going on in Syria and I
think the Syrian government's latest actions will help trigger action,
frankly speaking.

CASEY: And -- and how would you have -- a lot of what drives forward
(ph) for change, can be often rooted in economics as it is in anything
else. How would you assess the Syrian economy prior to maybe at the
beginning of this year versus the way it looks now in terms of its --
its significance as an issue in this -- in this conflict?

FORD: The violence and the unrest in Syria, the lack of stability
is really hurting the Syrian economy. It started off slow but it
is snowballing. Let me give you just a couple of examples. Tourism
represents today a growing part of the economy. The tourism sector is
completely dead. The hotels in places like Aleppo and Damascus which
normally would have occupants rates of 80 to 90 percent, are down to
0 to 10 percent right now. Hotels are laying off staff.

The country is draining slowly but steadily its foreign exchange
reserve. Business throughout the economy has slowed dramatically,
whether it be production of pharmaceutical or textiles, whatever it
is. The demands among Syrian consumers has dropped off the table.

People in a sense are afraid to buy because the times are so unsettled.

And so companies are really hurting. Banks are also hurting. Joanne
just did a very good assessment of the financial sector in the way it
is suffering because of the current situation. One of the things that
we're trying to do, Senator, and this is I think quite important,
Joanne and I both worked in Iraq, we do not want our sanctions to
devastate the broader Syrian economy because in the period after
Assad, it will be important for Syria to be a strong country and a
strong economy will be part of that.

So, we have really worked in the United States government and with
our partners but (ph) to target sanctions against specific companies
and against specific individuals that are involved in the repression,
without targeting the broader Syrian economy and making the people of
Syria suffer. It is a different kind of sanction regime from what we
have in Iraq say. It's much more specifically targeted with the goal
of sparing the Syrian people themselves great suffering.

CASEY: And I know that's always the challenge to make it -- make
such sanctions targeted enough and impactful enough on -- on the
regime. I know that we've seen, as often happens in these situations,
we've seen an out-migration. In this case, I guess most of it or the
majority of folks fleeing northwestern Syria into Turkey.

Any -- any -- any report you can give us on that and -- and a related
question, obviously maybe the bigger question is, what role -- how
do you assess, I should say, the role played by Syria and what more
do you hope that the -- the -- I'm sorry I said Syrian, the Turkish
government, what role can the Turkish government play in creating
more pressure and more -- more -- more impact on the Syrian regime?

FORD: First Senator, may I just follow up on a little part on that,
of economic sanctions you mentioned then.

(CROSSTALK)

CASEY: Sure.

FORD: And the -- the -- the challenge of getting targeting that
works and has an impact. We really do spent a lot of time on this,
and left me just give you a couple of success stories that may not
have made the news here.

One of President Assad's cousins, his name Rami Makhlouf. He is very
well known in Syria. He is probably the richest man in Syria. He's a
very shall we say unscrupulous businessman. And we have targeted him
very specifically as well as his companies because we know he helps
finance the regime.

He applied for citizenship to Cyprus. He didn't get it because working
with the EU, we made sure that he couldn't get to Cyprus and he
couldn't get Cyprian -- Cyprus citizenship. That's strike one against
him. Strike two, one of his biggest companies is called Sham Holding,
so we targeted that specifically.

It had a board of directors. We went after a couple of them
specifically. Their board members term expired in -- at the end of
April and they were too afraid to have another board meeting. So,
they finally, the government insisted that businessmen come together
and have a board meeting in July and all they were able to was come
up with half of a board and one vice-chairman. No one would agree to
even be the chairman of Sham Holding.

So the sanctions do bite, maybe not in ways that are always (ph) on
the headline but what we do see is more and more business people and
especially Sunni business people which is an important pillar of the
regime's support. We do see them slowly but surely shifting sides and
that's important. So, I do think our sanctions are having an impact.

With respect then, Senator, to your question about refugees going
into Turkey and the Turkish role more generally. A couple of things
I would say, first we appreciate that the Turks did offer refuge to
people fleeing the government of Syria campaigns in northwestern Syria.

People fled in a thousand.

We estimate somewhere around 12,000 but mainly because they were
terrified of army and Syrian intelligence service retaliation against
them. The army and especially -- especially the intelligence services
have a fearsome reputation, and we have seen plenty of videos on
Arabic satellite TV of how they beat and torture people, and some of
them are quite gruesome.

So people fled in -- in real fear. That's what happen in Jisr
al-Shughour the town I visited up in the north in June. So, we
appreciate the role that the Turks have played. My understanding now
is that some refugees who went to Turkey are beginning to trickle
back into Syria. They think they will be safe.

The Syrian Red Crescent has extended promises that they will watch
over people coming back, that there's not mistreatment. I think most
of the refugees are still in Turkey somewhere around 8000 are still
there. So, plenty of people are still afraid and don't trust their
own government in Syria. And that the Turkish role in this has been
I think very good and we appreciate it.

With respect Senator to your question, more (inaudible) it out, what
can Turkey do. I think Turkey has a very, very important role and I'm
often in touch with my colleague Ambassador Ricciardone up in Ankara.

The Turks have a -- a very deep commercial relationship that they'd
been building up for years.

They have personal relations between the Turkish leadership and the
Syrian leadership that they had consciously (inaudible). They wanted
to build influence. I think it is fair to say that the Turks, even to
yesterday (inaudible) President Gul was very critical of the latest
Syrian measures.

The Turks have perhaps a unique capability, both to talk to the Syrians
at several level because over the years they built those contacts,
and also were they to adopt sanctions for example, I think those two
would bite.

CASEY: Well, that's something I hope we can continue to foster because
that kind of helping the region could be -- could be very significant.

I was in the region last in July of 2010 and one of our -- our second
to last stop was in Beirut and Lebanon and I could -- I could sense
almost, feel to have a presence of Hezbollah in -- in Lebanon.

I want to get your -- your sense about the implications of the --
the unrest and the violence in -- in Syria, the implications for
Lebanon and how has Hezbollah respond to that?

FORD: Senator, when I appeared before the Foreign Relations Committee
in March of 2010, we spoke a long time about Hezbollah in that
hearing I recalled. We have a real opportunity with change in Syria
to see both Iranian influence and Hezbollah influence in the region
diminished. That's -- that would be a real gain for us, and also be a
real gain for the Syrian people since the Iranians are helping right
now with the repression in Syria.

With respect to Hezbollah specifically, the Syrian support to
Hezbollah has continued. It has not stopped. At the same time, I
think the leadership of Hezbollah at first was very outspoken in its
support of the Syrian government. More recently, they have been quiet
and my sense is that they have seen enough Hezbollah flags burned in
Syrian protest, especially in places like d'Azur and Hama and Daraa,
that they realized that their support for the Syrian government is
not garnering them any long-term friendship with the Syrian people.

CASEY: And can you explain that? Just walk through that in terms of
the ...

(CROSSTALK)

FORD: The protesters and I think Syrians more generally understand
that Iran and Hezbollah are supporting Syrian government repression
against them.

CASEY: And I know that the you -- when -- when you were getting out
of the -- out of Damascus and -- and I think with a lot of valor and
a lot of commitment to bear witness to the truth. When you made that
journey, I know it had to be in some ways harrowing. But what --
what is your -- what is your draw from it mostly?

I mean I know you saw a lot and had a better sense of what was
happening you said on the ground but what -- what did you draw from it,
other than I guess what has to be a remarkable inspiration to draw,
when you draw upon that, the inspiration provided by these brave
people, what else can you tell us about that, that journey you took?

FORD: One of the -- out of the fascinating experience, Senator,
I had a lot of interesting trips during my time in the peace corps
and then in the foreign service but that one would rank up near the
top. I came away with a couple of conclusion which I shared with the
Department of State and also with the media.

First of all the protesters there are peaceful. As I think I mentioned,
the one weapon I saw was a slingshot. These are not -- these aren't
gunmen. When we came up to the first checkpoint, very frankly the
local's checkpoint, not a government checkpoint, we weren't sure they
were gonna be armed or not and we were a little nervous.

But the second point I came with was, they are not against foreigners.

We told them we were American Diplomats and, oh, America, great,
go ahead, please pass, you know, whatever. We got kind of lost in Hama.

We should have a map but we didn't, so we had to stop and ask for
directions, and they actually got in the car and took us to where we
wanted to go. They were very nice, invited us to lunch, et cetera.

They're not anti-American at all. In fact, I think they appreciated
the attention that the United States showed to their cause and
that they were peaceful. When they've asked who I was and I said
I'm the American Ambassador and several of them said, oh, come on,
who are you really? So, they didn't believe me until I gave them some
business card.

And the third thing I came away with Senator is their incredible
commitment and I get that whenever I meet opposition people in any
city in Syria. The commitment they have to change into freedom and to
dignity. They're not gonna stop. They underlined that over and over,
and we have seen that.

We were talking about Egypt a little while ago, roughly 900 Egyptians
died in the first phase of that Egyptian revolution out of a country
of 80 million people. Syria has only 23 million people and nearly 2000
have died. So, the scale of killing in Syria is way beyond what it
was in Egypt but the people in Hama and elsewhere are quite committed
to change.

And I don't think they're going to stop and so I think we owe it to
them to remain supportive and to try to build that support wisely,
carefully but to build that support.

CASEY: And I know we have to -- I know we have to wrap up and we've
covered the good but not nearly enough and we'll have -- I'm sure
I'll have questions for the record. We'll try not to overload you
too many with written questions. You got -- you got work to do and
we don't wanna burden you with that but I'll leave the record open
until Friday for other members to submit questions or for any --
for witnesses to amplify their testimony or the responses.

I guess I'll ask in conclusion one -- one kind of broad question but I
think an important one because of the way we interacted hearings like
this and that's, I think what your -- your message to the American
people is about solidarity and about -- about focus on this, this
horror that we're seeing but what specifically would you hope you or
the administration hope that the Congress would do by way of action or
legislative action or otherwise that you think would constructive in
helping to, not just show solidarity but to -- to continue the focus
that should be brought to bare on what these brave citizens of Syria
are trying to accomplish?

FORD: Senator, I really like -- I've been working in the Middle East
since 1980 when I went out as a peace corps volunteer and I really
like the President's speech on the Arab Spring, the speech that he
gave on May 19, because I think he laid out for -- for the American
people why -- why change in the Arab world matters for us and what
it means for our own national security.

And the point that the President stressed that I really appreciate
was that if democratic transition is underway from Morocco to the
Persian Gulf do matter to us. We have big interest in that part of
the world and it can be positive change, and we should be supporting
democratic transitions throughout the region.

And there may be times when our assistance is needed directly and
our assistance is only needed indirectly but we should look to be
supportive. What I would hope from the Congress is that it works with
the administration to make sure that resources are available when we
need them to support those transition.

I'm gonna be very frank again Senator, if you don't mind, I was in
Algeria during the civil war there in the mid '90s. There was a very
brave Algerian opposition at the time and we had nothing really that
we could offer them. There was no access to the Democratic Institute
and the kinds of programs they do, or the Republican Institute.

Those kinds of programs actually do matter a lot and we work with
civil society and we work with political parties. Those programs do
help and we have clawed and scratched for gains in places like Iraq
and the resources that we commit helped. It's still up to the local
people whether be Iraq, or Syria, or Egypt, or whatever, but we can
help. And I hope we, the American people, will understand the value
to our national security of supporting those democratic transitions.

CASEY: We wanna thank you for your -- your testimony but to express
our gratitude and commendation on a much larger scale for your -- your
commitment, as you say on the ground, which -- which is a noteworthy
and very significant act of public service.

We appreciate that, and we'll work with you and I know that's a
bipartisan sentiment in a time that a bipartisanship was all too rare.

Ambassador, thank you very much for your testimony and we're adjourned.

FORD: Thank you Senator.

END