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ON ISRAELI-PKK RELATIONS - I
Hurriyet Daily News
Sept 14 2011
Turkey
Tension between Turkey and Israel is continuing with conflicting
interpretations of events, as well as doses of verbal warfare. It is
remarkable that the debate is so structured as to provoke sensitivities
and deepen fears on both sides. While the source of traditional fears
and anxieties in Israel is the Palestinian question, Turkey's source of
anxiety is the Armenian question and the outlawed Kurdistan Workers'
Party, or PKK. Although Turkey's approach toward the Palestinian
question is well-known, the Israeli-PKK relationship is not so. This
article aims to contribute to the ongoing debate by focusing on
Israeli-PKK relations.
Of course, Israel, keeping a close eye on everything in the Middle
East, concerns itself with the Kurdish issue in general and the
PKK in particular. As a matter of fact, one of the first strategic
pillars of that interest was formed with the immigration of Iraqi
Jews to Israel in the post-1945 period and with Iraq's approach
toward the Arab-Israeli wars in the early 1960s. Mulla Mustafa
Barzani's rebellion against the Iraqi regime provided Israel with
an opportunity to conduct a proxy war against Iraq. Israel offered
the Barzani clan logistical support, military training and new
perspectives. The foundations of intelligence organization in the
Kurdistan Democratic Party were then laid down by Mossad. By these
means, Iraq was made to pay for the support it gave to the Arabs
during the 1967 and 1973 Arab-Israeli wars through Barzani's guerilla
attacks. The Iranian shah's support which helped Israeli intelligence
access northern Iraq must also be kept in mind. All these relations
were proper in the Cold War spirit. Nevertheless, Israel's interest
continues in different guises. This interest has remained a question
in the minds of both the Turkish people and security circles.
Historically, Israel and the PKK were not on good terms. In 1971,
the Israeli consul in Istanbul was abducted and killed by Marxist
organizations. This caused Israel to focus on leftist organizations
in Turkey linked with Palestine.
Quickly, the search focused on Abdullah Ocalan and his organization,
the PKK. Ocalan fled from Turkey to Syria in 1979. Then, he settled
in Lebanon with the help of Syrian intelligence and the Marxist
organizations of Gibril and Havatme and George Habash, the late leader
of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, or PFLP. These
three entities were a source of trouble for Israel and started to
provide guerilla training to Ocalan's militants.
In sum, Israeli-PKK relations have featured three phases. The first
phase covers the period from the PKK's establishment to 1992. In
this phase, the PKK was a secondary problem which was to be closely
watched. The second phase was between 1992 and 2002, when the PKK was
subject to low-level diplomatic, but high-level "business" relations
within the progressing Turkey-Israeli relationship. The final phase
covers the period from 2002 onwards.
When Israel invaded Lebanon in 1982, it encountered "International
Marxist" resistance along with the Palestinian groups. As a Marxist
organization, PKK militants fought against the Israeli army, too,
losing 11 militants in the battles. An additional 13 militants were
captured, imprisoned and interrogated. This enabled Israel to lay
hands on a large number of PKK documents. Thus, from early on, Israel
has had important information about the PKK. Later, the imprisoned
PKK militants were released together with Palestinian Liberation
Organization, or PLO, members. They flew to Greece and then moved
to Iran. In this process, while Israel perceived the PKK as a threat
sponsored by Syria that was to be watched closely, it also shared a
large number of documents now in its hands with Turkish intelligence.
To be continued...
Hurriyet Daily News
Sept 14 2011
Turkey
Tension between Turkey and Israel is continuing with conflicting
interpretations of events, as well as doses of verbal warfare. It is
remarkable that the debate is so structured as to provoke sensitivities
and deepen fears on both sides. While the source of traditional fears
and anxieties in Israel is the Palestinian question, Turkey's source of
anxiety is the Armenian question and the outlawed Kurdistan Workers'
Party, or PKK. Although Turkey's approach toward the Palestinian
question is well-known, the Israeli-PKK relationship is not so. This
article aims to contribute to the ongoing debate by focusing on
Israeli-PKK relations.
Of course, Israel, keeping a close eye on everything in the Middle
East, concerns itself with the Kurdish issue in general and the
PKK in particular. As a matter of fact, one of the first strategic
pillars of that interest was formed with the immigration of Iraqi
Jews to Israel in the post-1945 period and with Iraq's approach
toward the Arab-Israeli wars in the early 1960s. Mulla Mustafa
Barzani's rebellion against the Iraqi regime provided Israel with
an opportunity to conduct a proxy war against Iraq. Israel offered
the Barzani clan logistical support, military training and new
perspectives. The foundations of intelligence organization in the
Kurdistan Democratic Party were then laid down by Mossad. By these
means, Iraq was made to pay for the support it gave to the Arabs
during the 1967 and 1973 Arab-Israeli wars through Barzani's guerilla
attacks. The Iranian shah's support which helped Israeli intelligence
access northern Iraq must also be kept in mind. All these relations
were proper in the Cold War spirit. Nevertheless, Israel's interest
continues in different guises. This interest has remained a question
in the minds of both the Turkish people and security circles.
Historically, Israel and the PKK were not on good terms. In 1971,
the Israeli consul in Istanbul was abducted and killed by Marxist
organizations. This caused Israel to focus on leftist organizations
in Turkey linked with Palestine.
Quickly, the search focused on Abdullah Ocalan and his organization,
the PKK. Ocalan fled from Turkey to Syria in 1979. Then, he settled
in Lebanon with the help of Syrian intelligence and the Marxist
organizations of Gibril and Havatme and George Habash, the late leader
of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, or PFLP. These
three entities were a source of trouble for Israel and started to
provide guerilla training to Ocalan's militants.
In sum, Israeli-PKK relations have featured three phases. The first
phase covers the period from the PKK's establishment to 1992. In
this phase, the PKK was a secondary problem which was to be closely
watched. The second phase was between 1992 and 2002, when the PKK was
subject to low-level diplomatic, but high-level "business" relations
within the progressing Turkey-Israeli relationship. The final phase
covers the period from 2002 onwards.
When Israel invaded Lebanon in 1982, it encountered "International
Marxist" resistance along with the Palestinian groups. As a Marxist
organization, PKK militants fought against the Israeli army, too,
losing 11 militants in the battles. An additional 13 militants were
captured, imprisoned and interrogated. This enabled Israel to lay
hands on a large number of PKK documents. Thus, from early on, Israel
has had important information about the PKK. Later, the imprisoned
PKK militants were released together with Palestinian Liberation
Organization, or PLO, members. They flew to Greece and then moved
to Iran. In this process, while Israel perceived the PKK as a threat
sponsored by Syria that was to be watched closely, it also shared a
large number of documents now in its hands with Turkish intelligence.
To be continued...