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  • Hachigian: Burdens Of Genocide Must Be Borne By Perpetrator

    BURDENS OF GENOCIDE MUST BE BORNE BY PERPETRATOR

    http://www.reporter.am/index.cfm?furl=/go/article/2012-03-14-burdens-of-geno cide-must-be-borne-by-perpetrator-&pagewanted=all
    Published: Wednesday March 14, 2012

    Ken Hachikian addresses the Antelias conference.

    Antelias, Lebanon - Armenian National Committee of America (ANCA)
    Chairman Ken Hachikian offered a broad vision of how Return of
    Churches movement reflects and also materially reinforces the broader
    international movement to hold the Republic of Turkey responsible for a
    truthful, just, and comprehensive resolution of the Armenian Genocide.

    Hackikian offered his remarks, at the recently concluded three-day
    international conference, "The Armenian Genocide: From Recognition to
    Reparation," hosted by His Holiness, Vehapar Aram I, Catholicos of the
    Great House of Cilicia, and organized by the Armenian Catholicosate of
    Cilicia. The conference featured presentations by dozens of leading
    academics and thought-leaders from across the globe, all addressing
    the topic of securing the reparations owed by Turkey to the Armenian
    nation for the Armenian Genocide of 1915 to 1923. Hachikian's speech
    offered first-hand insights into the ANCA's pivotal role in the
    passage of the Return of Churches resolution, H.Res.306, and outlined,
    in broader terms, how this effort fits into the cause of justice for
    the Armenian Genocide and the future viability of the Armenian nation.

    Hachikian stressed, in a speech that addressed the moral and material
    aspects of the justice owed the Armenian nation, that, "As we approach
    the end of a century in which all the moral and material costs of the
    Armenian Genocide have fallen upon the victims of this crime, we seek,
    for ourselves and all humanity, a new era, a better century - guided
    by the ethic that the burdens of this genocide - and all genocides -
    will, as they rightly must, be borne by its perpetrator."

    He added that, "The return of churches, Turkey's surrender - voluntary
    or otherwise - of the thousands of church properties it stole from
    Armenians, Assyrians, Greeks, Syriacs, and other Christians prior
    to, during, and after the Armenian Genocide era, would represent
    a meaningful first step by the Turkish government toward accepting
    its responsibility for a truthful and just resolution of this still
    unpunished crime against humanity. It would, as well, mark a major
    blow for the cause of international religious freedom, in a corner
    of the world sadly known not for its pluralism, but rather for the
    depths of its intolerance."

    Vehapar Aram I, who, in his opening statement powerfully asserted
    the Catholicosate of Cilicia's legal claims to Armenian Church
    properties, closed the conference by reporting that, based on the
    emerging conclusions of this Conference, the Armenian Catholicosate
    of Cilicia, in collaboration with the Armenian Catholic and Evangelic
    churches and Armenian political parties, community leadership and
    major players of Armenian Communities:

    1) Will explore with organized efforts the concrete possibilities of
    moving forward taking into consideration the provisions provided by
    the international law.

    2) Will seek an advisory opinion from the International Court of
    Justice through the UN on the legal consequences of the Armenian
    Genocide. I believe thaty NGO's and civil society could play advocacy
    role by challenging the UN to take concrete action to this effect.

    3) Will also explore the possibilities of raising the Armenian case
    before the European Court of Human Rights, based on human rights
    violation related to genocide and confiscation of properties.

    "This is not an easy process, taking into consideration the present
    political landscape and geopolitical interests," His Holiness
    concluded, " however, we are determined to embark on this critical
    process with renewed faith and firm determination. The role of
    the Republic of Armenia is pivotal in this respect. We are seeking
    justice: recognition of the Armenian Genocide and reparation. This is
    a challenge before us. The Armenian Catholicosate of Cilicia is ready
    to respond to this challenge with strong commitment and a profound
    sense of responsibility."

    Hachikian, explained, during his presentation, that Armenians are
    "not seeking truth simply for the sake of truth, for all the world,
    and certainly we as Armenians, know all too well the reality of the
    Armenian Genocide and the ongoing consequences of this crime. We are
    in no need of further affirmation. Nor of vengeance or vindication.

    No. We seek truth in the name of justice. And justice in the interest
    of survival. That is why we struggle so mightily against Ankara's
    denial of truth and obstruction of justice."

    The ANCA Chairman also offered a public lecture on this topic,
    hosted by the Armenian National Committee of the Middle East, at the
    Shaghzoyan Center, in the Bourj Hammoud neighborhood of Beirut. The
    topic of his talk was, "The Question of Return of Church Properties
    in the U.S. Congress: What is the Role of Armenian Activists? What
    are the Implications for Turkey? Is This a Precursor to a Meaningful
    Discussion of Reparations?"

    The full text of Hachikian's speech is provided below.

    #####

    Good Afternoon:

    I want to start my remarks today by thanking Vehapar Aram I for his
    vision in hosting this gathering and bringing us all together under
    the leadership of the Great House of Cilicia and also to express my
    appreciation to the organizers of this conference for inviting me
    to participate from across the Atlantic in this important academic
    undertaking.

    I will share with you today the Armenian National Committee of
    America's contribution to the great cause of securing for our nation
    the restitution and reparations owed to our people for Turkey's crime
    of genocide.

    My perspective here today, born of my experience and shaped on the
    front lines of our common cause, is a political one. My views, and
    those of my colleagues, have, nonetheless, been meaningfully informed,
    greatly enriched and consistently energized by the far-reaching body
    of academic inquiry on this subject, but our struggle is waged in
    the civic arena.

    Scholars, as they should, shed light; politicians, as we must, deliver
    heat. We need both now more than ever. To prevail, our struggles must
    be won both on the intellectual battlefield and on the field of public
    and political discourse.

    My comments today about our community's effort in the United States
    to press Turkey to return churches will, I hope, help inform you
    about the urgency of such efforts and also inspire our friends and
    allies around the world to join in this noble undertaking. We must
    continue our efforts to prevail intellectually, but we also must not
    forget that there is an essential battle to be joined in the halls
    of our governments.

    For what we seek is nothing less than a turning of the tide.

    As we approach the end of a century in which all the moral and material
    costs of the Armenian Genocide have fallen upon the victims of this
    crime, we seek, for ourselves and all humanity, a new era, a better
    century - guided by the ethic that the burdens of this genocide -
    and all genocides - will, as they rightly must, be borne by its
    perpetrator.

    The return of churches, Turkey's surrender - voluntary or otherwise
    - of the thousands of church properties it stole from Armenians,
    Assyrians, Greeks, Syriacs, and other Christians prior to, during, and
    after the Armenian Genocide era, would represent a meaningful first
    step by the Turkish government toward accepting its responsibility
    for a truthful and just resolution of this still unpunished crime
    against humanity.

    It would, as well, mark a major blow for the cause of international
    religious freedom, in a corner of the world sadly known not for its
    pluralism, but rather for the depths of its intolerance.

    Our advocacy in Washington, DC on this issue has, over the past year,
    taken its place alongside our Armenian Genocide recognition efforts,
    our struggle against Ankara's denials, and our other work on issues
    of concern to Armenian Americans. Of course, this initiative, like
    all of our community's advocacy investments is, at its heart, aimed
    at promoting Armenia's viability.

    Our North Star - the light that guides us as we navigate the political
    waters - is the survival of the Armenian people, the security of the
    Armenian homeland, and the strengthening of the Armenian nation.

    That is why we seek a truthful and just resolution of the Armenian
    Genocide.

    We are not seeking truth simply for the sake of truth, for all the
    world, and certainly we as Armenians, know all too well the reality
    of the Armenian Genocide and the ongoing consequences of this crime.

    We are in no need of further affirmation.

    Nor of vengeance or vindication.

    No. We seek truth in the name of justice.

    And justice in the interest of survival.

    That is why we struggle so mightily against Ankara's denial of truth
    and obstruction of justice.

    Reasons of morality, of course, compel us to demand respect for
    human life and to stand up - in the name of our ancient faith and in
    the spirit of the UN Convention on the Prevention and PUNISHMENT of
    Genocide - against mass murder.

    The cause of genocide prevention, a core moral imperative of our age,
    requires that we - as witnesses to the depths of man's inhumanity to
    man - bring the full measure of our devotion to ending forever the
    cycle of genocide.

    Turkey's denial of truth and obstruction of justice for the Armenian
    Genocide sets a dangerous precedent - an unacceptable precedent -
    emboldening potential perpetrators that their crimes can be committed
    with impunity. Nowhere is this more urgent for us than in deterring
    Turkey from committing renewed aggression against the Armenian people,
    for Armenia cannot be safe as long as it is has on its border an
    over-armed and unrepentant perpetrator of genocide.

    We seek as well, for the citizens of Turkey, a transformation of
    Turkish society. A Turkey that fully accepts responsibility for the
    Armenian Genocide would very likely be one that is on the road to
    rehabilitation into a more just and tolerant society.

    We have seen few signs of progress on this front. In fact, in recent
    years, all we've heard are alarm bells. In today's Turkey, Hrant
    Dink's killer is treated like a hero and most of those guilty of his
    assassination are let free.

    Armenians are regularly threatened with renewed deportations while
    the remaining Christian heritage of Anatolia is being systematically
    erased. The country's most popular films and books are about scape
    goating and striking down treasonous minorities.

    Turkey today is not simply an unrepentant post-genocidal state, but
    a pre-genocidal society, lashing out at imagined enemies and seeking
    out its next targets.

    What is needed is not simply a change in Turkey's policies, but rather
    a profound, long-term movement, driven by both international and
    domestic pressure, to rehabilitate Turkey into a modern, tolerant,
    and pluralist society that - as proof of its reform - willingly
    forfeits the fruits of its genocidal crimes.

    For justice is vital for Armenia's survival.

    Consider the vast and devastating demographic, material, geographic,
    and cultural and legacy of the Armenian Genocide. The core elements
    of Armenian viability were nearly destroyed forever.

    This concern is - very clearly - not just about our past. For upon a
    just resolution of this crime rests the very ability of Armenians to
    restore the elements of viability that have long sustained our nation
    and to finally close the wounds of genocide that so crippled - and,
    because they are so deep, may yet kill - our poor and orphaned nation.

    These are the stakes.

    At risk is our very survival.

    Not our dignity, or simply our pride, but our very place at the table
    of nations.

    That is why we see seek the truth. That is why we demand justice.

    And part of justice, perhaps among the first measures that can
    realistically be secured, is the return of our sacred sites.

    A first front - but not a final one - in a long struggle for our
    survival.

    Our Church - as always - at the fore, fighting for justice, and truth,
    and an enduring peace among men.

    Our efforts on this front, as have been widely reported, began with the
    introduction, on June 15th of last year, of H.Res.306 - the "Return
    of Churches" resolution - by two of the most senior members of the
    House Foreign Affairs Committee, Ed Royce and Howard Berman. This
    religious freedom measure was launched in parallel with the Armenian
    Genocide Resolution, the genocide-prevention measure that we have
    traditionally advanced through Congress.

    Congressman Royce launched H.Res.306 by stating: "Conditions in
    Turkey have deteriorated with violent hate crimes increasingly linked
    to religion. My resolution urges Turkey to protect its vulnerable
    religious minorities."

    His Democratic colleague, the Ranking Member of the panel, Howard
    Berman, sharing his concerns, stated: "By expropriating church
    properties, harassing worshippers, and refusing to grant full legal
    status to some Christian groups, Turkey has failed to fulfill its
    obligation as a signatory to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights,
    which requires 'freedom of thought, conscience, and religion.'"

    We were gratified by the broad, bipartisan support this resolution
    garnered. It was launched with numerous original co-sponsors, including
    the co-chairs of the Human Rights, Hellenic, and Armenian Caucuses.

    The resolution's text showed that it called upon the government of
    Turkey to honor its international obligations to return confiscated
    Christian church properties and to fully respect the rights of all
    Christians, among them the Armenians, Greeks, Assyrians, Pontians,
    and Arameans (Syriacs), who have lived for thousands of years on what
    is present-day Turkey.

    The resolution called on the U.S. Secretary of State, in all official
    bilateral contacts, to press the Turkish government to:

    1) end all forms of religious discrimination;

    2) allow the rightful church and lay owners of Christian church
    properties, without hindrance or restriction, to organize and
    administer prayer services, religious education, clerical training,
    appointments, and succession, religious gatherings, social services,
    including ministry to the needs of the poor and infirm, and other
    religious activities;

    3) return to their rightful owners all Christian churches and
    other places of worship, monasteries, schools, hospitals, monuments,
    relics, holy sites, and other religious properties, including movable
    properties, such as artwork, manuscripts, vestments, vessels, and
    other artifacts; and

    4) allow the rightful Christian church and lay owners of Christian
    church properties, without hindrance or restriction, to preserve,
    reconstruct, and repair, as they see fit, all Christian churches and
    other places of worship, monasteries, schools, hospitals, monuments,
    relics, holy sites, and other religious properties within Turkey.

    This legislation was crafted to speak powerfully to Americans, who are
    fundamentally committed to the principle of religious liberty. It has,
    as you know, long been a priority for American citizens to seek for
    others around the world the same right to worship in freedom that
    they enjoy in the United States.

    It also spoke meaningfully to Armenians and our allies, who share a
    devotion to a truthful and just resolution of the Armenian Genocide,
    that morally and materially makes whole the victims of this horrific
    crime.

    Its immediate purpose was directly challenging and then to eventually
    reverse the vast destruction visited upon religious sites and the theft
    of church properties during the Armenian Genocide as well as Turkey's
    official and ongoing, post-genocide destruction and desecration of
    holy sites and discrimination against Christian communities.

    Through its adoption, its sponsors sought to add the powerful voice
    of the U.S. Congress - and the full moral authority of the American
    people - to the international defense of religious freedom for the
    Christian nations residing within the borders of present-day Turkey.

    Part of building support for this measure was educating legislators
    about the history of Armenians, Greeks, Assyrians, Pontians, and
    Arameans (Syriacs), who have long lived on what is present-day Turkey.

    Another key element was reaching out to new allies among traditional
    American faith-based groups, including evangelicals and others
    sometimes known as Christian conservatives.

    Many Representatives were surprised to learn that these nations, many
    thousands of years before the establishment of the Ottoman Empire,
    gave birth to great civilizations, each with their own rich civic,
    religious, and cultural heritage. These nations were, upon these
    Biblical lands, among the first Christians, dating back to the time of
    the travels through Anatolia by the Apostles Thaddeus and Bartholomew.

    It held great meaning for Members of the U.S. Congress that the
    territory of present-day Turkey is today home to many of the most
    important centers of early Christianity - most notably Nicaea, Ephesus,
    Chalcedon, and Constantinople, but also that the Turkish government has
    systematically sought to erase this remarkably rich Christian legacy,
    including through the destruction of thousands of religious sites.

    The destruction of these holy places accelerated during the 1890's
    and through the Armenian Genocide era.

    The Armenian Genocide and, more broadly, Ottoman Turkey's genocidal
    drive to eliminate its entire Christian population, marked a terrible
    watershed in the histories of the Christians of these lands, as the
    Turkish leadership shifted from a policy of violence and oppression
    to one of an outright, systematic, intentional, and state-implemented
    campaign of ethnic and cultural extermination.

    The Republic of Turkey, legal heir to the Ottomans, continued these
    genocidal policies against the remaining Christian population, through
    ethnic-cleansing, organized massacres, destruction of churches and
    religious sites, illegal expropriation of properties, discriminatory
    policies, restrictions on worship, and other means.

    Estimates are that of the well over 2,000 Armenian churches, which
    existed in the early 1900's, far fewer than 50 are functioning today.

    Perhaps as few as 200 even remain standing today. The rest have been
    ground into dust. And, only a small fraction of the historic Christian
    population that once populated Anatolia remains today in modern Turkey
    to care for their cultural heritage.

    Let me pause for a moment to impress upon you just how very sensitive
    a matter religious rights - and in particular Christian issues -
    are in modern-day American civic life.

    Last year, President Obama's nominee to serve as U.S. Ambassador to
    Turkey, Francis Ricciardone, was asked at his confirmation hearing,
    at our direct urging, how many of the pre-1915 Christian churches in
    Turkey were still operating.

    When he answered that a majority still were - a patently inaccurate
    response that echoed Ankara's false narrative of tolerance and
    pluralism - his confirmation process froze in its tracks.

    It only went forward after he responded to Senate protests and Armenian
    American community outrage by publicly withdrawing his response and
    officially correcting his answer.

    We must, as we did in this instance, publically and forcefully confront
    those who deny the truth about the genocide and its ongoing impact;
    for our failure to do so would allow these hateful denials to gain
    credibility.

    Returning to the plight of Christians in Turkey, it's clear that the
    endangered Christian communities within Turkey's present-day borders
    continue, to this day, to endure oppressive restrictions imposed by
    the government of Turkey on their right to practice their faith in
    their historic places of worship. These endangered sites - at least
    those that remain - are, nearly all, still today in Turkish hands as
    a direct result of genocide. Many other properties - thousands now
    emptied of even ruins - are also illegally in Turkey's possession.

    The remaining Christians in Turkey are, all too often, prevented
    from praying in their historic churches, which have been desecrated,
    sometimes used as storage sheds, and in some cases, even turned
    into barns.

    In very rare instances - such as the Akhtamar Church - Turkey has
    undertaken repairs for transparently cynical public relations reasons,
    but refused to return religious properties to their rightful church
    owners, instead converting them into museums, where prayer, as a rule,
    is prohibited.

    And, by the restoration of these properties to their rightful Armenian
    owners, we mean the Holy See of Etchmiadzin, the Holy See of Cilicia,
    the Armenian Catholic Church, the Armenian Evangelical Church, and
    the Patriarchates of Jerusalem and Constantinople.

    The U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom, established by
    Congress, recently designated Turkey as one of a handful of countries
    on its watch list for a third consecutive year. It has concluded
    that: "Over the previous five decades, the [Turkish] state has, using
    convoluted regulations and undemocratic laws, confiscated hundreds of
    religious minority properties, primarily those belonging to the Greek
    Orthodox community, as well as Armenian Orthodox, Catholics, and Jews.

    . . The state also has closed seminaries, denying these communities
    the right to train clergy."

    In 2009, Bartholomew I, the Ecumenical Christian Orthodox Patriarch
    of Constantinople, appeared on CBS's 60 Minutes and reported that
    Turkey's Christians were second class citizens and that he personally
    felt "crucified by a state that wanted to see his church die out."

    Now, as you might expect, addressing this matter in the United States
    presents both challenges and opportunities.

    In January 2011, President Obama noted - generically - the importance
    of "bear[ing] witness to those who are persecuted or attacked because
    of their faith" and President Bush declared in 2009, "No human freedom
    is more fundamental than the right to worship in accordance with
    one's conscience." But neither did anything to protect or promote
    the rights of Armenians and other Christians in Turkey.

    The U.S. State Department, which often goes to great and frequently
    unreasonable and even irrational lengths to excuse and apologize
    for Turkey's conduct, has actually criticized the persecution of
    Christians in Turkey, including the improper confiscation of their
    properties. This position is a testament to the high priority American
    citizens give to religious liberty.

    The United States, as a nation that was, quite literally, founded
    upon a belief in religious liberty, has a long and proud tradition
    of actively promoting and defending freedom of faith around the world.

    Our own Bill of Rights safeguards religious freedom for Americans and
    our longstanding leadership in championing the Universal Declaration
    of Human Rights and other international covenants has helped protect
    freedom of faith across the globe. America's enduring commitment
    to religious freedom was reaffirmed in the International Religious
    Freedom Act of 1998, and has been underscored in countless pieces of
    specific legislation.

    We carefully studied the American precedents. Here are a few examples:

    -- Just last year, the U.S. House passed H.Res.1631, which called
    for the protection of minority religious communities and places of
    worship in the illegally occupied portion of Cyprus.

    -- H.Res.562, passed by the House during the 105th Congress, cited
    the confiscation of property by foreign governments as a means of
    victimizing minority populations, and, specifically, urged foreign
    governments to return wrongfully expropriated properties to religious
    communities.

    -- H.Con.Res.371, passed by the House during the 110th Congress, called
    on foreign governments to return looted and confiscated properties
    to their rightful owners or, where restitution was not possible,
    to pay equitable compensation.

    What we found is what we always expected, that the U.S. Congress is a
    champion for religious liberty, but had yet to direct its attention
    in this regard to the challenges presented by Turkey's violence and
    wholesale intolerance toward its Christian minorities.

    The Turkish government stridently opposed this effort to end
    faith-based discrimination, promote religious tolerance, and secure the
    rightful return of Christian churches, not just because they reject
    responsibility for past sins - for they know their guilt better then
    anyone - but for their naked fear of the implications for future
    demands for reparations.

    The State Department - from Ankara to Washington, DC - pressed hard
    on Congress to block even the consideration of H.Res.306. Not -
    it must be stressed - because they believed it did not reflect the
    American view on the religious rights of Christians in Turkey, but
    precisely because they knew that it did. This reasoning reflects the
    fundamental disconnect of a failed foreign policy that prioritizes
    the sensitivities of the most extremely intolerant elements of Turkish
    society over the core moral values of the American people.

    This bipartisan measure attacked, head-on, the core Ottoman and
    Kemalist myths about Turkey as a model of tolerance and pluralism.

    It revealed Turkey's token steps and half-measures as political
    stunts - like its conversion of the church at Akhtamar into a museum -
    setting a real and reasonable bar for the Turkish government to meet -
    namely, full freedom of faith and a total return of stolen religious
    properties.

    We saw Turkey go after H.Res.306 in every way possible. Soft
    attacks, saying it was unnecessary. Harsher attacks that it would
    be counter-productive given all the great strides that the Turkish
    government is supposedly making. Diplomatic attacks saying that its
    adoption would somehow upset the fragile Turkey-Armenia Protocols
    process. And, finally, angry attacks, seeking to bully and intimidate
    U.S. legislators.

    These assaults did result in the shameful opposition of the Obama
    Administration to H.Res.306, but they failed to sway even one vote.

    On July 20th, the Foreign Affairs Committee voted 43 to 1 to pass this
    measure, with the sole dissenting voice coming from a libertarian who
    opposes nearly every human rights measure brought before this panel.

    Soon after this Committee vote, and in the wake of series of judgments
    on religious property issues in European courts, Turkey's Prime
    Minister issued an announcement - very limited in scope to be sure,
    but meaningful nonetheless - regarding the rights of churches and
    others to seek the return of certain confiscated religious properties
    under a 1936 law, which sadly only applied to 2-3% of the church
    properties confiscated by Turkey.

    The fact that the Prime Minister felt the need to respond to this
    issue is very telling. Even this token defensive step, meant to
    minimize Turkey's obligations, was not an act of charity by Mr.

    Erdogan, but rather a choice forced upon him.

    This initial step was followed by an unprecedented letter to
    the ANCA by Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, reiterating the
    State Department's support for religious freedom in Turkey and the
    restoration, by the Turkish government, of confiscated religious
    properties to their rightful owners. These are small but momentous
    steps of progress.

    We welcomed the Secretary's support, urged her to stand firm on this
    matter, and offered our help in delivering concrete results toward a
    policy that, taken to its logical fruition, would help bring about a
    new era of American-Turkish relations - based on the principles of
    fairness, tolerance, and mutual respect - while also, facilitating
    meaningful progress toward a truthful, just, and comprehensive
    resolution of the Armenian Genocide. Vehapar Aram I also wrote to
    Secretary Clinton expressing a similar perspective.

    A few months later, as a result of our advocacy efforts, on December
    13th of last year, the full House of Representatives passed H.Res.306
    by an overwhelming voice vote.

    We welcomed this vote as a powerful victory for religious freedom
    and as a reflection of the growing consensus that Turkey must -
    starting with the return of thousands of stolen Christian churches
    properties and holy sites - accept its responsibilities for the full
    moral and material implications of a truthful and just resolution of
    the Armenian Genocide. So did Members of Congress, from across the
    political spectrum:

    Rep. Ed Royce (R-CA): Religious tolerance has long been a problem
    for Turkey. Turkey has yet to remedy the desecration of the religious
    properties of over 2 million Armenians and Greeks and Assyrians and
    Syriacs over the last 100 years. Until these obligations are fulfilled,
    religious freedom will remain elusive and, frankly, relations with
    the United States will suffer. Prime Minister Erdogan recently issued
    a decree to return confiscated church properties that were taken
    after 1936, but the majority of confiscated religious properties,
    of course, were taken prior to 1936. . . We are sending a signal
    today that Turkey should reassess the cutoff date.

    Rep. Howard Berman (D-CA): We want Turkey to follow through on its
    commitment to return confiscated property of Christian communities and
    to provide compensation for properties that can't be recovered. We
    want Christian communities in Turkey to enjoy the same rights and
    privileges that religious minorities enjoy in this country. We want
    Turkey to acknowledge the Armenian genocide.

    Rep. Adam Schiff (D-CA): But the physical near-annihilation of the
    Armenian people was not enough to satisfy the Turks' desire to wreak
    vengeance on Armenia, which was the first nation in the world to adopt
    Christianity as its official religion in AD 301. Their campaign against
    the Armenians was broader and was aimed at destroying not only the
    Armenian people but also their history, their culture, and their faith.

    Rep. Brad Sherman (D-CA): The adoption of H. Res. 306 would add
    the powerful voice of the United States Congress to the defense of
    religious freedom for Christians in present-day Turkey and reinforce
    the traditional leadership of Congress in defending freedom of faith
    around the world.

    Rep. Robert Dold (R-IL): In the United States we enjoy the freedom to
    worship, but throughout the world billions of people do not have the
    liberty to practice this fundamental human right. For generations,
    Armenian, Greek, Catholic, and Jewish minorities were punished for
    practicing their faith in the Ottoman Empire and modern-day Turkey.

    The adoption of H.Res.306 helped challenge many myths that Turkey
    has long propagated in the United States and throughout the world.

    First among these is that Turkey, far from being tolerant or
    pluralistic, was literally founded upon the violent, wholesale
    destruction and exile of many ancient Christian nations. The territory
    of Turkey, once a vital center of Christianity, now has a Christian
    population of less than 0.1%.

    Turkey has a history of resolving issues of faith and identity through
    violence, not tolerance. Examples include its state-sponsored murder
    and persecution of Greeks, Armenians, Kurds, Cypriots and Assyrians.

    We busted the myth that tokenism can be a substitute for the wholesale
    change that Turkey must undertake. Ankara seeks credit for renovating
    a handful of religious sites and converting them into museums, while
    seeking to escape criticism for its expropriation of thousands of
    Christian sites from their rightful owners.

    We took on Turkey's use of the ugly euphemism: "disused religious
    sites" by making it clear that the overwhelming majority of
    the Christian parishioners of these churches were brutally and
    systematically massacred and exiled.

    Building upon this foundation and the growing Congressional and
    American civil society consensus behind the return of churches,
    we will press our cause forward with courage and confidence.

    We invite you - and friends of Armenia and champions of religious
    liberty from all over the world - to join in this noble effort.

    I call upon each and every one of you to bring to bear your ideas and
    your energy to this struggle, starting with the return of religious
    properties and extending to the full moral and material restitution and
    reparations owed by Turkey to the Armenian nation for our lost lives,
    our stolen territories, our confiscated properties, our desecrated
    holy sites, and for all the costs and unfulfilled opportunities of
    a post-genocidal century of struggling to survive.

    This is truly a global undertaking, the success of which will rely
    upon our friendship and faith, our strength and our solidarity.

    In solemn memory of our forbearers and for the righteousness of our
    Cause, I know we will persevere.

    Thank you.

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