Tweet
Deutsche Welle World, Germany
August 16, 2012 Thursday 4:45 PM EST
Kurds see increasing influence in Middle East
As the Assad regime loses ground in the Syrian civil war, ethnic Kurds
are gaining more and more leverage. Kurdish leaders have not been able
to unify, but neighboring countries are already alarmed. For a long
time it was relatively quiet in Syria's Kurdish regions. As people in
the south and west of the country took to the streets to protest
against President Bashar Assad, there were few such demonstrations in
northeastern Syria, which is home mostly to ethnic Kurds. Young Kurds
soon joined the rebellion against the regime, but most of the rest of
the population took a wait-and-see approach.
As an ethnic minority, the Kurds did not want to end up between the
front lines. For many years, the Assad regime discriminated against
the Kurds and even denied their existence in Syria. But as the
pressure on the regime grew, Assad offered them Syrian citizenship,
hoping to buy their neutrality. It now appears as though a large
portion of the Syrian Kurds have not openly come out against Assad
because his government tolerates that they have a considerable degree
of autonomy in their region of the country.
Largest ethnic group without a country
The autonomy alarms neighboring Turkey where the banned Kurdish
Workers Party (PKK) has been fighting a three-decade-old insurrection
using ambushes and bomb attacks to gain their own state or at least
autonomy.
The Kurds are considered to be the world's largest ethnic minority
without their own country. Population estimates range widely from 30
million to 38 million Kurds with most of them living in Turkey (13
million to 16 million), Iran (6 million to 8 million), Iraq (roughly 6
million) and Syria (1.5 million to 2.0 million). The fifth largest
population of Kurds lives outside the region in Germany (650,000).
Other, traditional, population centers can be found in Azerbaijan and
Armenia.
The violent struggle between the PKK and Turkey has cost the lives of
more than 40,000 people. Following the arrest and imprisonment of its
leader Abdullah Öcalan in 1999, the PKK has lost influence, but the
situation of Kurds in Turkey has improved over the years, not least
because the government in Ankara has applied to join the European
Union. Kurdish hopes for more autonomy, however, have not been
fulfilled.
Northern Iraq as a model
That's why for many Turkish Kurds developments in northern Iraq are
serving as a model for the future. The majority of people living there
are Kurds. Under the protection of the United States, a self-ruling
Kurdish administration has evolved since 1991. After the fall of
Saddam Hussein in 2003, the Kurds were able to secure broad autonomy
in the region. Political stability and income from oil production have
ensured that the region has largely prospered. There is also a
functioning parliament and government under President Masud Barzani.
For several weeks now, some cities in Syria along the Turkish border
have been under Kurdish control. The Syrian army has partially
withdrawn to its barracks in the area. The Democratic Union Party
(PYD), considered an offshoot of the PKK, is essentially running the
show.
Unclear position
What aims the PYD is ultimately pursuing is unclear, said Sonor
Cagaptay, a Turkey expert with the Washington Institute. The PYD
recently pledged not to fight against Turkey any longer.
"We will see whether the PYD has cut its ties to the PKK when the
Assad regime falls," Cagaptay said. "Then, we will see if the PYD
continues to spare Turkey or if it goes back to its origins."
The relationship between the PYD and the Assad regime is also not
clear, according to the Kurdish Islam expert Kamiran Hudsch. "At the
beginning of the revolution, the members of this party were called the
'shabiha' of the Kurds," he said in a reference to the Assad-loyal
shabiha militias in Syria. "Whether or not they are loyal to the
regime is unclear," he added.
Many observers suspect that the PYD is working with the Assad regime,
said Hudsch. At least, both sides appear to be benefitting from the
current situation. The PYD can expand its influence in Syria's Kurdish
areas and beyond the borders and northern Syria is again a safe haven
for Turkish PKK fighters.
Fear of spreading war
Barzani, the president of Iraqi Kurdistan, is pressuring Syria's Kurds
to work together with the opposition Syrian National Council (SNC).
The rebels fighting in the Free Syrian Army are formally answerable to
the SNC. At the same time, Barzani has maintained contacts with the
Assad regime in Damascus. So far, Kurdish organizations have not
actively participated in the fight against Assad's forces because many
fear otherwise the fighting could spill over into the Kurdish areas.
Turkey is annoyed that Assad is leaving the Kurds alone. "The
rebellion of the Syrian people has allowed the Kurds to demand what
the Iraqi Kurds already have," said Cagaptay from the Washington
Institute. "That will lead to Turkish and Iranian Kurds saying they
want to be next."
The dream of national sovereignty
Many people in Turkey have voiced concern that the Turkish Kurds want
to set up an independent Kurdistan with their ethnic brethren in
Syria, Iraq and Iran. And, at the moment, it seems the Kurds are in
the strongest position in their history to make the dream of national
sovereignty come true.
However, the Kurds also have a long tradition of inner conflict; one
example being the long confrontation between the two Iraqi Kurdish
leaders Jalal Talabani and Masud Barzani. The differences were only
put aside in favor of an alliance when it became clear that the end of
Saddam Hussein's regime was near.
Many observers, therefore, are skeptical that a Kurdish state could
become a reality. But one thing, at least, is clear: Efforts to found
their own nation would turn Turkey, Syria, Iraq and Iran against them.
August 16, 2012 Thursday 4:45 PM EST
Kurds see increasing influence in Middle East
As the Assad regime loses ground in the Syrian civil war, ethnic Kurds
are gaining more and more leverage. Kurdish leaders have not been able
to unify, but neighboring countries are already alarmed. For a long
time it was relatively quiet in Syria's Kurdish regions. As people in
the south and west of the country took to the streets to protest
against President Bashar Assad, there were few such demonstrations in
northeastern Syria, which is home mostly to ethnic Kurds. Young Kurds
soon joined the rebellion against the regime, but most of the rest of
the population took a wait-and-see approach.
As an ethnic minority, the Kurds did not want to end up between the
front lines. For many years, the Assad regime discriminated against
the Kurds and even denied their existence in Syria. But as the
pressure on the regime grew, Assad offered them Syrian citizenship,
hoping to buy their neutrality. It now appears as though a large
portion of the Syrian Kurds have not openly come out against Assad
because his government tolerates that they have a considerable degree
of autonomy in their region of the country.
Largest ethnic group without a country
The autonomy alarms neighboring Turkey where the banned Kurdish
Workers Party (PKK) has been fighting a three-decade-old insurrection
using ambushes and bomb attacks to gain their own state or at least
autonomy.
The Kurds are considered to be the world's largest ethnic minority
without their own country. Population estimates range widely from 30
million to 38 million Kurds with most of them living in Turkey (13
million to 16 million), Iran (6 million to 8 million), Iraq (roughly 6
million) and Syria (1.5 million to 2.0 million). The fifth largest
population of Kurds lives outside the region in Germany (650,000).
Other, traditional, population centers can be found in Azerbaijan and
Armenia.
The violent struggle between the PKK and Turkey has cost the lives of
more than 40,000 people. Following the arrest and imprisonment of its
leader Abdullah Öcalan in 1999, the PKK has lost influence, but the
situation of Kurds in Turkey has improved over the years, not least
because the government in Ankara has applied to join the European
Union. Kurdish hopes for more autonomy, however, have not been
fulfilled.
Northern Iraq as a model
That's why for many Turkish Kurds developments in northern Iraq are
serving as a model for the future. The majority of people living there
are Kurds. Under the protection of the United States, a self-ruling
Kurdish administration has evolved since 1991. After the fall of
Saddam Hussein in 2003, the Kurds were able to secure broad autonomy
in the region. Political stability and income from oil production have
ensured that the region has largely prospered. There is also a
functioning parliament and government under President Masud Barzani.
For several weeks now, some cities in Syria along the Turkish border
have been under Kurdish control. The Syrian army has partially
withdrawn to its barracks in the area. The Democratic Union Party
(PYD), considered an offshoot of the PKK, is essentially running the
show.
Unclear position
What aims the PYD is ultimately pursuing is unclear, said Sonor
Cagaptay, a Turkey expert with the Washington Institute. The PYD
recently pledged not to fight against Turkey any longer.
"We will see whether the PYD has cut its ties to the PKK when the
Assad regime falls," Cagaptay said. "Then, we will see if the PYD
continues to spare Turkey or if it goes back to its origins."
The relationship between the PYD and the Assad regime is also not
clear, according to the Kurdish Islam expert Kamiran Hudsch. "At the
beginning of the revolution, the members of this party were called the
'shabiha' of the Kurds," he said in a reference to the Assad-loyal
shabiha militias in Syria. "Whether or not they are loyal to the
regime is unclear," he added.
Many observers suspect that the PYD is working with the Assad regime,
said Hudsch. At least, both sides appear to be benefitting from the
current situation. The PYD can expand its influence in Syria's Kurdish
areas and beyond the borders and northern Syria is again a safe haven
for Turkish PKK fighters.
Fear of spreading war
Barzani, the president of Iraqi Kurdistan, is pressuring Syria's Kurds
to work together with the opposition Syrian National Council (SNC).
The rebels fighting in the Free Syrian Army are formally answerable to
the SNC. At the same time, Barzani has maintained contacts with the
Assad regime in Damascus. So far, Kurdish organizations have not
actively participated in the fight against Assad's forces because many
fear otherwise the fighting could spill over into the Kurdish areas.
Turkey is annoyed that Assad is leaving the Kurds alone. "The
rebellion of the Syrian people has allowed the Kurds to demand what
the Iraqi Kurds already have," said Cagaptay from the Washington
Institute. "That will lead to Turkish and Iranian Kurds saying they
want to be next."
The dream of national sovereignty
Many people in Turkey have voiced concern that the Turkish Kurds want
to set up an independent Kurdistan with their ethnic brethren in
Syria, Iraq and Iran. And, at the moment, it seems the Kurds are in
the strongest position in their history to make the dream of national
sovereignty come true.
However, the Kurds also have a long tradition of inner conflict; one
example being the long confrontation between the two Iraqi Kurdish
leaders Jalal Talabani and Masud Barzani. The differences were only
put aside in favor of an alliance when it became clear that the end of
Saddam Hussein's regime was near.
Many observers, therefore, are skeptical that a Kurdish state could
become a reality. But one thing, at least, is clear: Efforts to found
their own nation would turn Turkey, Syria, Iraq and Iran against them.