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THE ONLY REMEDY: IMPLEMENTING RADICAL REFORMS
Today's Zaman
Aug 29 2012
Turkey
History made a great gesture to the ruling Justice and Development
Party (AK Party) by providing this party with a big conjecture-based
support at home, in the region and across the globe between Nov. 2,
2002, when it came to power, and approximately late 2010. What were
these factors that were favorable to the AK Party?
Internal: The public's willingness for change. The emerging religious
middle class starting to lend serious support to democracy. The
Kurdistan Worker's Party's (PKK) war creating exasperation among
Turks, Kurds and other citizens of Turkey. No one is now moved with
empty heroic discourse.
The AK Party seems to have learned a lesson from the Feb. 28, 1997
postmodern coup's targeting the religious people in particular.
However, although it is the ruling party, the state apparatus is
controlled almost completely by pro-tutelage people and Kemalists. A
fierce war has been waged against this party. The Kemalist bureaucracy
is doing everything to sabotage the government's efforts. In
particular, the judicial bureaucracy that is haunted by a small group
of elites is involved.
On the other hand, the pro-junta groups inside the Turkish Armed Forces
(TSK) are preparing to overthrow the government. The government is
aware of many things. But we'll have to wait for many years before the
public learns of them and legal proceedings are launched in connection
with them.
External: The government is propping up its democratically obtained
legitimacy with outside support. The anti-democratic system can
no longer be maintained in Turkey. Globalization and democracy are
making big progress across the world. Accordingly, as a party acting
as the driving force of democratization in Turkey, the AK Party can
mobilize external support. In a smart move, the AK Party does not
demonize the US or the EU; rather, it seeks to set sail to these
worlds. It is exerting great efforts to promote the country's EU
bid. This attitude neutralizes the propaganda that suggests that the
government has a secret agenda to turn the country into an Iran-like
country. It adds to the party's legitimacy.
The increasing anti-democratic interventions served to boost
sympathy and support for the party both inside and outside. The party
attached a vital importance to the reforms. Meanwhile, in 2007, the
investigations into Ergenekon -- a clandestine organization nested
within the state trying to overthrow or manipulate the democratically
elected government -- started and at the same time, the AK Party made
its first try for a new constitution. And in April 27 of the same year,
the army issued a clear memorandum to prevent Abdullah Gul from being
elected as president on charges that his wife wears a headscarf.
For the first time in the history of the republic, a government did
not backpedal, but issued a harsh response to the memorandum. Despite
the Constitutional Court's obstructive efforts, Gul was elected as
president. This contention dramatically boosted the AK Party's votes
and support. In other words, like a litmus test, the party was becoming
politically stronger so long as it throttled on for democratization.
In the external world, the Bush era had ended and the Obama era had
begun. It was a time slice when regional wars and instability were
considered unfavorable. Globalization was progressing, creating a
zone of stability that interconnected the whole world. That meant
that the super powers that would lend support to coup perpetrators
became history.
This was the AK Party's most dynamic and most successful era. The
Kurdish, Alevi and Armenian initiatives, launched in 2010, were the
boldest moves in the history of the republic. Moreover, the success
of these initiatives meant the end of the deep state that used to
keep itself powerful with these disputes teeming with red lines.
Simultaneously, the investigations and legal proceedings into coups
and the deep state were underway. The AK Party's velocity and the
society's support of this velocity were tremendous.
But for some reason, everything was radically reversed after the
June 2011 elections. The PKK terminated the negotiations with its
attack in Silvan on July 14 and restarted its war. The collapse of the
Kurdish initiative was followed by the end of the Armenian and Alevi
initiatives. The government's open backing of coup investigations and
trials gradually waned. The prime minister expressed his unhappiness
about the probe into the Feb. 28 postmodern coup, which had targeted
his own political school.
Yes, a favorable conjuncture has been wasted away unnecessarily. There
are now more unfavorable circumstances both inside and outside. It
is for this reason I am more optimistic. Why?
Because the only way out of a dangerous stalemate is to implement a
radical, democratic move and the AK Party is a pragmatic party that
makes such moves only when it is in tight corner. Moreover, if these
moves are not made, I think we'll have some serious problems.
I hope the government will not take this risk.
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress
Today's Zaman
Aug 29 2012
Turkey
History made a great gesture to the ruling Justice and Development
Party (AK Party) by providing this party with a big conjecture-based
support at home, in the region and across the globe between Nov. 2,
2002, when it came to power, and approximately late 2010. What were
these factors that were favorable to the AK Party?
Internal: The public's willingness for change. The emerging religious
middle class starting to lend serious support to democracy. The
Kurdistan Worker's Party's (PKK) war creating exasperation among
Turks, Kurds and other citizens of Turkey. No one is now moved with
empty heroic discourse.
The AK Party seems to have learned a lesson from the Feb. 28, 1997
postmodern coup's targeting the religious people in particular.
However, although it is the ruling party, the state apparatus is
controlled almost completely by pro-tutelage people and Kemalists. A
fierce war has been waged against this party. The Kemalist bureaucracy
is doing everything to sabotage the government's efforts. In
particular, the judicial bureaucracy that is haunted by a small group
of elites is involved.
On the other hand, the pro-junta groups inside the Turkish Armed Forces
(TSK) are preparing to overthrow the government. The government is
aware of many things. But we'll have to wait for many years before the
public learns of them and legal proceedings are launched in connection
with them.
External: The government is propping up its democratically obtained
legitimacy with outside support. The anti-democratic system can
no longer be maintained in Turkey. Globalization and democracy are
making big progress across the world. Accordingly, as a party acting
as the driving force of democratization in Turkey, the AK Party can
mobilize external support. In a smart move, the AK Party does not
demonize the US or the EU; rather, it seeks to set sail to these
worlds. It is exerting great efforts to promote the country's EU
bid. This attitude neutralizes the propaganda that suggests that the
government has a secret agenda to turn the country into an Iran-like
country. It adds to the party's legitimacy.
The increasing anti-democratic interventions served to boost
sympathy and support for the party both inside and outside. The party
attached a vital importance to the reforms. Meanwhile, in 2007, the
investigations into Ergenekon -- a clandestine organization nested
within the state trying to overthrow or manipulate the democratically
elected government -- started and at the same time, the AK Party made
its first try for a new constitution. And in April 27 of the same year,
the army issued a clear memorandum to prevent Abdullah Gul from being
elected as president on charges that his wife wears a headscarf.
For the first time in the history of the republic, a government did
not backpedal, but issued a harsh response to the memorandum. Despite
the Constitutional Court's obstructive efforts, Gul was elected as
president. This contention dramatically boosted the AK Party's votes
and support. In other words, like a litmus test, the party was becoming
politically stronger so long as it throttled on for democratization.
In the external world, the Bush era had ended and the Obama era had
begun. It was a time slice when regional wars and instability were
considered unfavorable. Globalization was progressing, creating a
zone of stability that interconnected the whole world. That meant
that the super powers that would lend support to coup perpetrators
became history.
This was the AK Party's most dynamic and most successful era. The
Kurdish, Alevi and Armenian initiatives, launched in 2010, were the
boldest moves in the history of the republic. Moreover, the success
of these initiatives meant the end of the deep state that used to
keep itself powerful with these disputes teeming with red lines.
Simultaneously, the investigations and legal proceedings into coups
and the deep state were underway. The AK Party's velocity and the
society's support of this velocity were tremendous.
But for some reason, everything was radically reversed after the
June 2011 elections. The PKK terminated the negotiations with its
attack in Silvan on July 14 and restarted its war. The collapse of the
Kurdish initiative was followed by the end of the Armenian and Alevi
initiatives. The government's open backing of coup investigations and
trials gradually waned. The prime minister expressed his unhappiness
about the probe into the Feb. 28 postmodern coup, which had targeted
his own political school.
Yes, a favorable conjuncture has been wasted away unnecessarily. There
are now more unfavorable circumstances both inside and outside. It
is for this reason I am more optimistic. Why?
Because the only way out of a dangerous stalemate is to implement a
radical, democratic move and the AK Party is a pragmatic party that
makes such moves only when it is in tight corner. Moreover, if these
moves are not made, I think we'll have some serious problems.
I hope the government will not take this risk.
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress