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SIDDIQUI: TURKEY CRACKING DOWN ON FREE SPEECH
http://www.thestar.com/opinion/editorialopinion/article/1298296--siddiqui-turkey-cracking-down-on-free-speech
Published on Wednesday December 05, 2012
ADEM ALTAN/AFP/GETTY IMAGES Turkish Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan
speaks at a meeting of his ruling Justice and Development Party in
Ankara on Dec. 4, 2012. Erdogan is cracking down on dissent and could
be taking the country back to the days of authoritarian rule.
By Haroon Siddiqui Editorial Page
To recap the recent news coverage on Turkey: It is jailing more
journalists than China and Iran. It has gone back to persecuting its
Kurdish minority. Its prime minister is acting like an Ottoman sultan.
Is this so?
The European Union has expressed "serious concern" about setbacks to
freedom of speech. So have PEN International, the writers' group,
and others. Turkish publishers, writers and journalists report
self-censorship amid a climate of intimidation and fear.
How many journalists are in detention or facing charges is a matter
of dispute - perhaps 70 and 60 respectively. But this much is certain:
~U A majority have been charged under the Anti-Terror Law. It is too
broad and applied inconsistently.
~U A majority are Kurds or champions of minority Kurdish rights.
~U Too many are ensnared in a debilitating judicial process that often
ends years later in acquittals or minor fines - suggesting that the
prosecutions are another tool of harassment.
~U Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan publicly berates critical journalists
and leans on their bosses. Intimidation happens in mature democracies
as well, including Canada. But his warnings become menacing in light
of the detentions and trials.
His government argues that some of those charged or detained have been
targeted not for their writings but for their role in two separate
coup plots to overthrow the Justice and Development Party government,
or for aiding and abetting militant Kurdish separatists.
Hundreds of current and former army, intelligence and security
personnel are on trial for coup plotting. They allegedly planned to
assassinate Nobel laureate Orhan Pamuk and blow up Eastern Orthodox,
Armenian and Jewish institutions, in order to blame the "Islamist"
government and topple it.
This has historical resonance.
The army has carried out four coups since 1960. It was part of
the "Deep State" with parts of the judiciary, the civil service,
academia and the media. The shadow government acted to protect the
authoritarian secular rule bequeathed by Kemal Ataturk, founder
of modern Turkey. They carried out sabotage and assassinations,
especially against the Kurds.
The Erdogan government, elected in a landslide in 2002 and in two
more elections since, has asserted civilian control over the army,
elements of which remain bitter.
Ironically, as it tries to root out Deep State, the government
has launched its own crackdown on the Kurds. Erdogan was initially
lauded for granting linguistic and other concessions to the Kurds,
and opening a political dialogue. But when the Kurdistan Workers'
Party, a terrorist entity, refused to lay down arms, he launched a
military drive. He also outlawed formerly legal Kurdish political
parties, labelling them terrorist entities.
"The Kurds are equally disliked by the Kemalists and this government,"
says Michael Thumann, correspondent of the German magazine Die Zeit,
based in Istanbul.
The mass arrests have gone well beyond snaring terrorists and coup
plotters to sweep up those who clearly don't belong in either group
and are being penalized merely for peaceful dissent.
There's another player in the saga.
As part of the conditions for joining the European Union, Erdogan
is reforming the judiciary. It has long been a closed shop that
controlled appointments of judges and prosecutors. He has broadened
the candidate pool but the old guard remains in force.
"We still have the authoritarian culture of protecting state interests
over individual rights," says a senior judge in Ankara, the capital.
Some judges and prosecutors may also be acting as political opposition
to a government they don't like.
Some new appointees may be following the current government's orders
or merely trying to curry favour. In other words, the old Kemalist
system is being usurped to serve the new masters.
"The judicial system was created by the Kemalists," notes Thumann.
"They created the monster. Now they are blaming the monster they
themselves created.
"Jailing journalists is not new. It's a good old Turkish tradition.
But we can't let this government off the hook. Erdogan is using the
old Kemalist system for his own ends."
Abdullah Bozkurt, columnist for Zaman English newspaper, adds:
"To say that Turkey's record is worse than that of Iran and China is
stupid. This is a democracy. Seventeen years ago when I started as a
journalist, you couldn't write about 'the Kurdish problem.' If I did,
I'd be in court in a flash. Now there's public debate and discussion."
It is equally true that "this government does not like criticism"
and is going after its critics. In doing so, it's taking the country
back to the bad old days of authoritarian rule.
[email protected]
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress
http://www.thestar.com/opinion/editorialopinion/article/1298296--siddiqui-turkey-cracking-down-on-free-speech
Published on Wednesday December 05, 2012
ADEM ALTAN/AFP/GETTY IMAGES Turkish Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan
speaks at a meeting of his ruling Justice and Development Party in
Ankara on Dec. 4, 2012. Erdogan is cracking down on dissent and could
be taking the country back to the days of authoritarian rule.
By Haroon Siddiqui Editorial Page
To recap the recent news coverage on Turkey: It is jailing more
journalists than China and Iran. It has gone back to persecuting its
Kurdish minority. Its prime minister is acting like an Ottoman sultan.
Is this so?
The European Union has expressed "serious concern" about setbacks to
freedom of speech. So have PEN International, the writers' group,
and others. Turkish publishers, writers and journalists report
self-censorship amid a climate of intimidation and fear.
How many journalists are in detention or facing charges is a matter
of dispute - perhaps 70 and 60 respectively. But this much is certain:
~U A majority have been charged under the Anti-Terror Law. It is too
broad and applied inconsistently.
~U A majority are Kurds or champions of minority Kurdish rights.
~U Too many are ensnared in a debilitating judicial process that often
ends years later in acquittals or minor fines - suggesting that the
prosecutions are another tool of harassment.
~U Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan publicly berates critical journalists
and leans on their bosses. Intimidation happens in mature democracies
as well, including Canada. But his warnings become menacing in light
of the detentions and trials.
His government argues that some of those charged or detained have been
targeted not for their writings but for their role in two separate
coup plots to overthrow the Justice and Development Party government,
or for aiding and abetting militant Kurdish separatists.
Hundreds of current and former army, intelligence and security
personnel are on trial for coup plotting. They allegedly planned to
assassinate Nobel laureate Orhan Pamuk and blow up Eastern Orthodox,
Armenian and Jewish institutions, in order to blame the "Islamist"
government and topple it.
This has historical resonance.
The army has carried out four coups since 1960. It was part of
the "Deep State" with parts of the judiciary, the civil service,
academia and the media. The shadow government acted to protect the
authoritarian secular rule bequeathed by Kemal Ataturk, founder
of modern Turkey. They carried out sabotage and assassinations,
especially against the Kurds.
The Erdogan government, elected in a landslide in 2002 and in two
more elections since, has asserted civilian control over the army,
elements of which remain bitter.
Ironically, as it tries to root out Deep State, the government
has launched its own crackdown on the Kurds. Erdogan was initially
lauded for granting linguistic and other concessions to the Kurds,
and opening a political dialogue. But when the Kurdistan Workers'
Party, a terrorist entity, refused to lay down arms, he launched a
military drive. He also outlawed formerly legal Kurdish political
parties, labelling them terrorist entities.
"The Kurds are equally disliked by the Kemalists and this government,"
says Michael Thumann, correspondent of the German magazine Die Zeit,
based in Istanbul.
The mass arrests have gone well beyond snaring terrorists and coup
plotters to sweep up those who clearly don't belong in either group
and are being penalized merely for peaceful dissent.
There's another player in the saga.
As part of the conditions for joining the European Union, Erdogan
is reforming the judiciary. It has long been a closed shop that
controlled appointments of judges and prosecutors. He has broadened
the candidate pool but the old guard remains in force.
"We still have the authoritarian culture of protecting state interests
over individual rights," says a senior judge in Ankara, the capital.
Some judges and prosecutors may also be acting as political opposition
to a government they don't like.
Some new appointees may be following the current government's orders
or merely trying to curry favour. In other words, the old Kemalist
system is being usurped to serve the new masters.
"The judicial system was created by the Kemalists," notes Thumann.
"They created the monster. Now they are blaming the monster they
themselves created.
"Jailing journalists is not new. It's a good old Turkish tradition.
But we can't let this government off the hook. Erdogan is using the
old Kemalist system for his own ends."
Abdullah Bozkurt, columnist for Zaman English newspaper, adds:
"To say that Turkey's record is worse than that of Iran and China is
stupid. This is a democracy. Seventeen years ago when I started as a
journalist, you couldn't write about 'the Kurdish problem.' If I did,
I'd be in court in a flash. Now there's public debate and discussion."
It is equally true that "this government does not like criticism"
and is going after its critics. In doing so, it's taking the country
back to the bad old days of authoritarian rule.
[email protected]
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress