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TIME FOR 'KINTO TIGHTROPE WALKING'
Armen Arakelyan
http://hetq.am/eng/opinion/21631/time-for-kinto-tightrope-walking.html
00:03, December 18, 2012
The most distinctive feature of Serzh Sargsyan's rule is that he as
a leader has done and is doing everything possible for clearingthe
political field andgaining visibility. Confrontations and competition
aren't for him, as he prefers to play on a chessboard where there
are no serious pieces, only hopeless pawnscut off from one other.
No matter how much Tsarukyan remains a faithful servant of the
authorities, the withdraw of the Prosperous Armenia Party's leader from
the presidential elections was necessary notso much for the party, but
for Tsarukyan's personality and reputation, in order to neutralize any
theoretical possibilities for competition. No matter how controllable
Tsarukyan was, he was perceived as Sargsyan's alternative or rivalby
a large spectrum of society. With his presence, the president's role
in today's monopoly would not be absolute. And Tsarukyan was easily
removed from the field. Now he can at the most be a "Gray cardinal,"
which always performssecond and third-rate functions.
The other potential alternative is Levon Ter-Petrosyan, who has less
public influence but is more charismatic and intellectual.
Ter-Petrosyan's problemisn't becoming that alternative, but
recoveringthe position that he himself gave up. The government realizes
that if Ter-Petrosyan runs for election there will be competition,
and Sargsyan will have to compete, which is not part of his chosen,
effective strategy as well as his skills. Thus, in order to prevent
it, attempts are being made to neutralize Ter-Petrosyan's possible
run as well.
The publication of confidential conversations between Armenian
National Congress coordinator Levon Zurabyan and Prosperous Armenia
Partyvice-president Vardan Oskanianon the Internet is basically a
part of this strategy. This poor attempt to reveal Zurabyan's games
played with Prosperous Armenia before kin was probably meant to create
such an atmosphere of distrust in the Armenian National Congress that
Ter-Petrosyan would finally be convinced not to run.
No one can have hope and aspiration for even a minor victory in the
presence of a weak and split political team. It is difficult to say
how this would affect Ter-Petrosyan's decision. But for twenty years
he's had a strong immunity toward such pinches, and hoping that
in this way it would be possible to confuse someone who has such
political instinct and experience as the first presidentis at very
least political short-sightedness.
If Ter-Petrosyan doesn't have deeper analyses and intentions,
then he most likely will not run, but it has no connection with
the influence of such compromising information. Ter-Petrosyan spent
almost all his political capital on fruitless attempts to "train"
the Prosperous Armenia Party to be against the government. By putting
everything on an already dead playing card he lost the entire game,
and the only thing he can think about now is finding a way to exit
gracefully. If the government had enough wisdom, in order to finally
disable Ter-Petrosyan it would grant that opportunity and let him
leave instead of starting a weak and senseless compromising attack
on his teammates.
Thus, what are the benefits for him and for society? The government
already gets the results of a consistently deserted political and
competitive field. Not even marginal, but absolutely apolitical
and asocial individualsare making statements about running for
president, people who would like to solve their self-expression and
self-advertisement issues. Thus, the presidential and electoral
institutionshave decided to turn it into a display of "tightrope
walking."
Now these "Kintos" claim to become the alternativesto Sargsyan, and
that is only natural since no vacuum remains empty. They are just
filling that emptinesscreated by the government around itself. It's
difficult to say whether Sargsyan will be satisfied while competing
with such individuals or be offended. Regardless, he's getting what
he sowed in the last years.
But can we blame only Sargsyan for that? Actually, he just used one
completely legal strategy, which is effective as it's in demand.The
aspiration to become a "client" is more in demand and actual than
being a professional politician, demonstrating principles and
keepingindependence. Finally, when you know your own "client" well,
it's easy to come to an understanding with them. And a qualified
minority, which doesn't demonstrate the desire to "become a client,"
is off the board.
Society just "wins" the crumbs of these relationships. It's no longer
interested whether there's an alternative to Sargsyan, if he is going
to run alone or with some buffoons, if the elections will be held in
one round or two and so on. The ones who are going to attack polling
stations with "mini buses" led by party "Mama Rosas" [female pimps]
are always ready to do that. The ones who simply desire to watch
another play will comfortably sit in their armchairs. The others,
who have dignity, will simply not go to the play called the election,
demonstrating their civilian position not only towards the almighty
authorities, but also towards the opposition that proved its impotence.
So, we take up building a "safe Armenia" with a universal nihilistic
approach, defeatism, and a depressive attitude, from which arises
a disgusting feeling of warm Brezhnev "kisses" and the party's
stagnating victories.
Armen Arakelyan
http://hetq.am/eng/opinion/21631/time-for-kinto-tightrope-walking.html
00:03, December 18, 2012
The most distinctive feature of Serzh Sargsyan's rule is that he as
a leader has done and is doing everything possible for clearingthe
political field andgaining visibility. Confrontations and competition
aren't for him, as he prefers to play on a chessboard where there
are no serious pieces, only hopeless pawnscut off from one other.
No matter how much Tsarukyan remains a faithful servant of the
authorities, the withdraw of the Prosperous Armenia Party's leader from
the presidential elections was necessary notso much for the party, but
for Tsarukyan's personality and reputation, in order to neutralize any
theoretical possibilities for competition. No matter how controllable
Tsarukyan was, he was perceived as Sargsyan's alternative or rivalby
a large spectrum of society. With his presence, the president's role
in today's monopoly would not be absolute. And Tsarukyan was easily
removed from the field. Now he can at the most be a "Gray cardinal,"
which always performssecond and third-rate functions.
The other potential alternative is Levon Ter-Petrosyan, who has less
public influence but is more charismatic and intellectual.
Ter-Petrosyan's problemisn't becoming that alternative, but
recoveringthe position that he himself gave up. The government realizes
that if Ter-Petrosyan runs for election there will be competition,
and Sargsyan will have to compete, which is not part of his chosen,
effective strategy as well as his skills. Thus, in order to prevent
it, attempts are being made to neutralize Ter-Petrosyan's possible
run as well.
The publication of confidential conversations between Armenian
National Congress coordinator Levon Zurabyan and Prosperous Armenia
Partyvice-president Vardan Oskanianon the Internet is basically a
part of this strategy. This poor attempt to reveal Zurabyan's games
played with Prosperous Armenia before kin was probably meant to create
such an atmosphere of distrust in the Armenian National Congress that
Ter-Petrosyan would finally be convinced not to run.
No one can have hope and aspiration for even a minor victory in the
presence of a weak and split political team. It is difficult to say
how this would affect Ter-Petrosyan's decision. But for twenty years
he's had a strong immunity toward such pinches, and hoping that
in this way it would be possible to confuse someone who has such
political instinct and experience as the first presidentis at very
least political short-sightedness.
If Ter-Petrosyan doesn't have deeper analyses and intentions,
then he most likely will not run, but it has no connection with
the influence of such compromising information. Ter-Petrosyan spent
almost all his political capital on fruitless attempts to "train"
the Prosperous Armenia Party to be against the government. By putting
everything on an already dead playing card he lost the entire game,
and the only thing he can think about now is finding a way to exit
gracefully. If the government had enough wisdom, in order to finally
disable Ter-Petrosyan it would grant that opportunity and let him
leave instead of starting a weak and senseless compromising attack
on his teammates.
Thus, what are the benefits for him and for society? The government
already gets the results of a consistently deserted political and
competitive field. Not even marginal, but absolutely apolitical
and asocial individualsare making statements about running for
president, people who would like to solve their self-expression and
self-advertisement issues. Thus, the presidential and electoral
institutionshave decided to turn it into a display of "tightrope
walking."
Now these "Kintos" claim to become the alternativesto Sargsyan, and
that is only natural since no vacuum remains empty. They are just
filling that emptinesscreated by the government around itself. It's
difficult to say whether Sargsyan will be satisfied while competing
with such individuals or be offended. Regardless, he's getting what
he sowed in the last years.
But can we blame only Sargsyan for that? Actually, he just used one
completely legal strategy, which is effective as it's in demand.The
aspiration to become a "client" is more in demand and actual than
being a professional politician, demonstrating principles and
keepingindependence. Finally, when you know your own "client" well,
it's easy to come to an understanding with them. And a qualified
minority, which doesn't demonstrate the desire to "become a client,"
is off the board.
Society just "wins" the crumbs of these relationships. It's no longer
interested whether there's an alternative to Sargsyan, if he is going
to run alone or with some buffoons, if the elections will be held in
one round or two and so on. The ones who are going to attack polling
stations with "mini buses" led by party "Mama Rosas" [female pimps]
are always ready to do that. The ones who simply desire to watch
another play will comfortably sit in their armchairs. The others,
who have dignity, will simply not go to the play called the election,
demonstrating their civilian position not only towards the almighty
authorities, but also towards the opposition that proved its impotence.
So, we take up building a "safe Armenia" with a universal nihilistic
approach, defeatism, and a depressive attitude, from which arises
a disgusting feeling of warm Brezhnev "kisses" and the party's
stagnating victories.