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MENSOIAN: PLEASE TELL ME WHY IT WOULD MATTER IF...?
by Michael Mensoian
http://www.armenianweekly.com/2012/02/24/mensoian-please-tell-me-why-it-would-matter-if/
February 24, 2012
Please tell me why it would matter if the world recognizes the Armenian
Genocide if our hopes and dreams for mer Hayasdan(our Armenia)
are not fulfilled? Please tell me why it would matter if the world
recognizes the Armenian Genocide and our brothers and sisters in
Artsakh (Karabagh) have lost their freedom and independence? Please
tell me why it would matter if the world recognizes the Armenian
Genocide and historic Armenian Javakhk has been emptied of its people?
The situation in Armenia represents the classic struggle between the
selfless revolutionaries and the forces that have enslaved a hapless
society. Granted, this may be an overly dramatic description of the
present situation, but however the situation is described, it is an
absolute must that our leaders are accepted by the electorate as the
21st-century political incarnation of our honored fedayees and not
part of the established political system that seems unable to change
their condition.
We are at a most crucial moment in the modern history of the Armenian
nation, engaged as we are in a century-long struggle for Hai Tahd
(Armenian Cause). However, ultimate victory will remain an elusive goal
if our party fails to win the mind and heart of the Armenian worker
and his family. If success is to be achieved two objectives must
be realized: 1) to create a system based on equality, opportunity,
and justice for all our citizens irrespective of age, infirmity,
intelligence, or talent; and 2) to maintain the ongoing effort of
genocide recognition. This requires joining these two objectives to
form a unified coordinated effort within and outside Armenia.
An apparent weakness in our present effort stems from the fact that
the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF) is no longer the monolithic
political party that operated in the diaspora from 1920-91.
During those years its principal political objective was to confront
the Turkish policy of genocide denial and historic revisionism in
the international arena. Since Armenia's independence, the party
has become, as a result of legal requirements and the relocation
of the leadership to Yerevan, a bifurcated party. Operating within
the Homeland (Armenia, Artsakh, and Javakhk) is the Hayasdan ARF,
and beyond the Homeland the diasporan ARF. The end result has been
an inability or at least a tacit acceptance that there is no need to
implement a common agenda except in the broadest of terms (Hai Tahd).
Given this situation the issues of cooperation and coordination
necessary to achieve these dual objectives simultaneously have not
been properly addressed.
The principal effort of the diasporan ARF is still geared toward
influencing countries to recognize the Armenian Genocide. Once a
critical mass is reached (however many nations that might require)
proponents of this strategy believe that a rising tide of sentiment
in Turkey to revisit its past will eventually require Turkish leaders
to face their history, as President Nicolas Sarkozy and others have
suggested. However, only time and events will determine how Turkish
leaders and citizens will interpret their past, if and when it is
confronted. Once this stage is reached recognition proponents expect
the ensuing dialogue will open the way for meaningful negotiations
between Ankara and Yerevan. What role the leadership of the ARF will
have is problematic at this time.
Although the groundwork would have been achieved through the efforts of
the diasporan ARF, the expected dialogue or any follow-up negotiations
that may result cannot be expected to include participation by the
Hayasdan ARF leadership given its current status.
At best, the Hayasdan ARF is a marginal political party within
Armenia. It will remain marginal until it can appreciably increase
its number of members in parliament (presently 16 out of 131) in the
forthcoming parliamentary elections. Any hoped-for increase will be
directly related to the party's perception by the Armenian electorate
as a reliable catalyst for needed change.
Given this fact, the Hayasdan ARF must provide a credible comprehensive
plan with specific legislative proposals to create a system based on
equality, opportunity, and justice for all citizens.
The ARF has yet to be perceived by the electorate as committed to their
concerns. Public opinion is swayed as much by perception as it is by
substance. The situation in Armenia represents the classic struggle
between the selfless revolutionaries and the forces that have enslaved
a hapless society. Granted, this may be an overly dramatic description
of the present situation, but however the situation is described, it
is an absolute must that our leaders are accepted by the electorate
as the 21st-century political incarnation of our honored fedayees
and not part of the established political system that seems unable to
change their condition. The results of the forthcoming parliamentary
election will test the voters' acceptance of the ARF as a reliable
and effective champion of their concerns.
Only when the political base of the party expands, measured by a
significant increase of members in parliament, can our leaders expect
to have a voice in any forthcoming dialogue or negotiations. Make no
mistake, the struggle we are engaged in will be won or lost by our
party's success and acceptance in the Homeland. Without a significantly
expanded political base our leaders will lack the influence to have
any effective voice in protecting the interests of the Armenian nation
vis-a-vis Turkey or any likely cabal that represents interests at
the expense of the nation.
As for Yerevan, the question that must be answered is, How effective
can any government be at some time in the future in representing
the interests of the Armenian nation if young people and families
continue to emigrate in search of a better quality of life; if the
national population has continued its steady decline; if high rates of
unemployment and underemployment continue to persist; and if wealth and
power remains concentrated in the hands of an economic and political
elite? These issues have a profound adverse impact on Armenia's future
development and weaken any government's position in negotiations with
Turkey. These are conditions that must be vigorously, aggressively,
and persistently confronted in concert by the Hayasdan ARF and the
diasporan ARF.
(An interesting note: The population of Armenia when independence was
declared in 1991 was about 3.6 million. Assuming an annual increase
of only 1 percent (which is relatively low) and little emigration or
immigration occurring, the population of Armenia today should be about
4.4 million, which is 1.4 million greater than its current estimated
population of only 3 million.)
It would appear that neither the Hayasdan ARF or the diasporan ARF
accepts redressing existing conditions in the Homeland as holding
the key to ultimate victory. The diasporan ARF seemingly ignores the
situation in Armenia as it continues its quest for what has become
the Holy Grail of Hai Tahd: genocide recognition. No one is denying
the importance of these moral victories that have been achieved by
our ungers and ungerouhis. These victories are important not only
in maintaining the support of the diasporan constituencies, but in
adding public moral pressure to the Turkish leadership. However,
after having said that, do the proponents of this strategy really
believe that the cumulative weight of genocide recognitions or
legislative acts criminalizing public denial of the genocide are
capable of providing the final victory we all seek if unsupported by
an Armenian government that can be relied on to effectively represent
the interests of the nation?
Our cause would be infinitely easier to achieve if we could amass our
resources, meager as some claim them to be, solely against the Turkish
policy of denial and historic revisionism. Given the approximately
70 years in the diaspora, the ARF is adequately structured through
its Getronagan Gomidehs (Central Committees) and Gomidehs (local
committees) to pursue this single objective on nearly a world-wide
scale.
The Armenian Genocide is an established fact of history based on the
enormous weight of evidence and the determination of unbiased and
credentialed genocide scholars and historians. Yet, only about 10
percent of the 193 members of the United Nations have recognized it.
Other nations have accepted the fact of the genocide, but recognition
has fallen prey to political considerations. However, reaching
the critical mass of supporting nations required to influence the
Turkish leadership still remains a daunting task. There can be no
denying that the struggle to have nations recognize the genocide
keeps our struggle for justice before the public, infuriates the
Turkish leadership, and satisfies our diasporan constituency. There
can also be no denying that this strategy must be part of a more
comprehensive and coordinated effort that includes improving the
debilitating conditions that afflict our people in the Homeland.
We should recognize that whatever success the diasporan ARF achieves,
it is the government of Armenia that will complete the process. For
the ARF not to be represented in any hoped-for dialogue or negotiations
that affect the future of Armenia cannot be acceptable.
For over 120 years, the ARF has devoted itself to representing the
interests of the Armenian nation. Now, as we move closer to victory,
is the ARF willing to abandon its historic role because it failed to
aggressively and heroically confront the woeful conditions in Armenia?
Hopefully not!
What is being expected is a Herculean task especially for the
leadership of the Hayasdan ARF. Unfortunately, viable options do not
exist. In a few years, a century will have passed since the genocide
to destroy our nation was unleashed by the Ottoman-Turkish government.
Only a handful of survivors remain with us. This is a struggle not
only to secure justice, but to determine the future course of Armenia.
It is a struggle that must integrate the efforts of the Hayasdan ARF
and the diasporan ARF. It cannot be the responsibility of one and not
the other. And it is a struggle that cannot afford to fail because
the efforts were uncoordinated, or poorly conceived, or improperly
executed, or ineffectively staffed, or simply because of internal
bickering. Whatever victories are achieved in the diaspora will
not provide us our ultimate objective if we cannot claim victory in
the Homeland.
by Michael Mensoian
http://www.armenianweekly.com/2012/02/24/mensoian-please-tell-me-why-it-would-matter-if/
February 24, 2012
Please tell me why it would matter if the world recognizes the Armenian
Genocide if our hopes and dreams for mer Hayasdan(our Armenia)
are not fulfilled? Please tell me why it would matter if the world
recognizes the Armenian Genocide and our brothers and sisters in
Artsakh (Karabagh) have lost their freedom and independence? Please
tell me why it would matter if the world recognizes the Armenian
Genocide and historic Armenian Javakhk has been emptied of its people?
The situation in Armenia represents the classic struggle between the
selfless revolutionaries and the forces that have enslaved a hapless
society. Granted, this may be an overly dramatic description of the
present situation, but however the situation is described, it is an
absolute must that our leaders are accepted by the electorate as the
21st-century political incarnation of our honored fedayees and not
part of the established political system that seems unable to change
their condition.
We are at a most crucial moment in the modern history of the Armenian
nation, engaged as we are in a century-long struggle for Hai Tahd
(Armenian Cause). However, ultimate victory will remain an elusive goal
if our party fails to win the mind and heart of the Armenian worker
and his family. If success is to be achieved two objectives must
be realized: 1) to create a system based on equality, opportunity,
and justice for all our citizens irrespective of age, infirmity,
intelligence, or talent; and 2) to maintain the ongoing effort of
genocide recognition. This requires joining these two objectives to
form a unified coordinated effort within and outside Armenia.
An apparent weakness in our present effort stems from the fact that
the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF) is no longer the monolithic
political party that operated in the diaspora from 1920-91.
During those years its principal political objective was to confront
the Turkish policy of genocide denial and historic revisionism in
the international arena. Since Armenia's independence, the party
has become, as a result of legal requirements and the relocation
of the leadership to Yerevan, a bifurcated party. Operating within
the Homeland (Armenia, Artsakh, and Javakhk) is the Hayasdan ARF,
and beyond the Homeland the diasporan ARF. The end result has been
an inability or at least a tacit acceptance that there is no need to
implement a common agenda except in the broadest of terms (Hai Tahd).
Given this situation the issues of cooperation and coordination
necessary to achieve these dual objectives simultaneously have not
been properly addressed.
The principal effort of the diasporan ARF is still geared toward
influencing countries to recognize the Armenian Genocide. Once a
critical mass is reached (however many nations that might require)
proponents of this strategy believe that a rising tide of sentiment
in Turkey to revisit its past will eventually require Turkish leaders
to face their history, as President Nicolas Sarkozy and others have
suggested. However, only time and events will determine how Turkish
leaders and citizens will interpret their past, if and when it is
confronted. Once this stage is reached recognition proponents expect
the ensuing dialogue will open the way for meaningful negotiations
between Ankara and Yerevan. What role the leadership of the ARF will
have is problematic at this time.
Although the groundwork would have been achieved through the efforts of
the diasporan ARF, the expected dialogue or any follow-up negotiations
that may result cannot be expected to include participation by the
Hayasdan ARF leadership given its current status.
At best, the Hayasdan ARF is a marginal political party within
Armenia. It will remain marginal until it can appreciably increase
its number of members in parliament (presently 16 out of 131) in the
forthcoming parliamentary elections. Any hoped-for increase will be
directly related to the party's perception by the Armenian electorate
as a reliable catalyst for needed change.
Given this fact, the Hayasdan ARF must provide a credible comprehensive
plan with specific legislative proposals to create a system based on
equality, opportunity, and justice for all citizens.
The ARF has yet to be perceived by the electorate as committed to their
concerns. Public opinion is swayed as much by perception as it is by
substance. The situation in Armenia represents the classic struggle
between the selfless revolutionaries and the forces that have enslaved
a hapless society. Granted, this may be an overly dramatic description
of the present situation, but however the situation is described, it
is an absolute must that our leaders are accepted by the electorate
as the 21st-century political incarnation of our honored fedayees
and not part of the established political system that seems unable to
change their condition. The results of the forthcoming parliamentary
election will test the voters' acceptance of the ARF as a reliable
and effective champion of their concerns.
Only when the political base of the party expands, measured by a
significant increase of members in parliament, can our leaders expect
to have a voice in any forthcoming dialogue or negotiations. Make no
mistake, the struggle we are engaged in will be won or lost by our
party's success and acceptance in the Homeland. Without a significantly
expanded political base our leaders will lack the influence to have
any effective voice in protecting the interests of the Armenian nation
vis-a-vis Turkey or any likely cabal that represents interests at
the expense of the nation.
As for Yerevan, the question that must be answered is, How effective
can any government be at some time in the future in representing
the interests of the Armenian nation if young people and families
continue to emigrate in search of a better quality of life; if the
national population has continued its steady decline; if high rates of
unemployment and underemployment continue to persist; and if wealth and
power remains concentrated in the hands of an economic and political
elite? These issues have a profound adverse impact on Armenia's future
development and weaken any government's position in negotiations with
Turkey. These are conditions that must be vigorously, aggressively,
and persistently confronted in concert by the Hayasdan ARF and the
diasporan ARF.
(An interesting note: The population of Armenia when independence was
declared in 1991 was about 3.6 million. Assuming an annual increase
of only 1 percent (which is relatively low) and little emigration or
immigration occurring, the population of Armenia today should be about
4.4 million, which is 1.4 million greater than its current estimated
population of only 3 million.)
It would appear that neither the Hayasdan ARF or the diasporan ARF
accepts redressing existing conditions in the Homeland as holding
the key to ultimate victory. The diasporan ARF seemingly ignores the
situation in Armenia as it continues its quest for what has become
the Holy Grail of Hai Tahd: genocide recognition. No one is denying
the importance of these moral victories that have been achieved by
our ungers and ungerouhis. These victories are important not only
in maintaining the support of the diasporan constituencies, but in
adding public moral pressure to the Turkish leadership. However,
after having said that, do the proponents of this strategy really
believe that the cumulative weight of genocide recognitions or
legislative acts criminalizing public denial of the genocide are
capable of providing the final victory we all seek if unsupported by
an Armenian government that can be relied on to effectively represent
the interests of the nation?
Our cause would be infinitely easier to achieve if we could amass our
resources, meager as some claim them to be, solely against the Turkish
policy of denial and historic revisionism. Given the approximately
70 years in the diaspora, the ARF is adequately structured through
its Getronagan Gomidehs (Central Committees) and Gomidehs (local
committees) to pursue this single objective on nearly a world-wide
scale.
The Armenian Genocide is an established fact of history based on the
enormous weight of evidence and the determination of unbiased and
credentialed genocide scholars and historians. Yet, only about 10
percent of the 193 members of the United Nations have recognized it.
Other nations have accepted the fact of the genocide, but recognition
has fallen prey to political considerations. However, reaching
the critical mass of supporting nations required to influence the
Turkish leadership still remains a daunting task. There can be no
denying that the struggle to have nations recognize the genocide
keeps our struggle for justice before the public, infuriates the
Turkish leadership, and satisfies our diasporan constituency. There
can also be no denying that this strategy must be part of a more
comprehensive and coordinated effort that includes improving the
debilitating conditions that afflict our people in the Homeland.
We should recognize that whatever success the diasporan ARF achieves,
it is the government of Armenia that will complete the process. For
the ARF not to be represented in any hoped-for dialogue or negotiations
that affect the future of Armenia cannot be acceptable.
For over 120 years, the ARF has devoted itself to representing the
interests of the Armenian nation. Now, as we move closer to victory,
is the ARF willing to abandon its historic role because it failed to
aggressively and heroically confront the woeful conditions in Armenia?
Hopefully not!
What is being expected is a Herculean task especially for the
leadership of the Hayasdan ARF. Unfortunately, viable options do not
exist. In a few years, a century will have passed since the genocide
to destroy our nation was unleashed by the Ottoman-Turkish government.
Only a handful of survivors remain with us. This is a struggle not
only to secure justice, but to determine the future course of Armenia.
It is a struggle that must integrate the efforts of the Hayasdan ARF
and the diasporan ARF. It cannot be the responsibility of one and not
the other. And it is a struggle that cannot afford to fail because
the efforts were uncoordinated, or poorly conceived, or improperly
executed, or ineffectively staffed, or simply because of internal
bickering. Whatever victories are achieved in the diaspora will
not provide us our ultimate objective if we cannot claim victory in
the Homeland.