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Syrian revolution and the future of the Armenian community
by Filor Nighoghosian
http://www.reporter.am/go/article/2012-03-03-syrian-revolution-and-the-future-of-the-armenian-community
Published: Saturday March 03, 2012
A rare sight: an Armenian language protest sign in Qamishli opposes a
Syrian constitutional clause that restricts presidency to Muslims.
Provided by the author
Chicago - From the author: The purpose of this article is to establish
a general understanding of the situation in Syria and where the Syrian
Armenian community fits. It is an urgent call to reexamine the
dominant position of the Armenian community towards the Syrian crisis,
and is written out of a genuine concern for the future of the Armenian
community in Syria. I will provide a general background of the Syrian
revolution and its main actors, an understanding of the Syrian
Armenian community and its respective position towards the Syrian
revolution, and a discussion of the primary concerns of the Armenian
community.
The Syrian revolution: background and actors
The uprising in Syria was triggered after a number of children from
Deraa who, inspired by the revolutions in Tunisia and Egypt, scrawled
anti-regime graffiti on a wall and were tortured by government
security forces. Images and news of the tortures of children in Deraa
spread across Syria, and coupled with economic grievances, corruption,
and nepotism, the protests in Syria turned into a full-blown
revolution for freedom and dignity.
Local Coordination Committees emerged as primary actors in organizing
and planning protests and civil disobedience tactics in support of the
revolution on the ground. Another key group both politically and for
organizing regional protest activities is the Syrian Revolution
General Commission, headed up by Suheir Atassi.
The Syrian National Council is an umbrella organization that
encompasses many opposition blocs and serves as a political body
seeking to overthrow the Syrian regime and establish a civil
democratic state. It is supported by the LCC's, the Assyrian
Democratic Organization, the Muslim Brotherhood, Kurdish parties, and
the Damascus Declaration signatories.
The National Coordinating Committee is another Syrian political
opposition body led by Haythem Manna. It holds a strong position
against foreign intervention, sectarianism, and violence.
The Free Syria Army is the collective name for army-defected militias
that emerged in the summer of 2011 as well as civilians who have
joined the popular armed struggle. They are not led by any central
authority or bound together by a particular ideology, and are in fact
quite diverse. There are other opposition groups within Syria,
however the ones mentioned are the key actors.
Minority Participation
While socially conservative Sunnis account for a huge number of
participants in the revolution, Alawis, Christians, ethnic minorities,
and seculars have also actively participated in all aspects of the
revolution. Although they have not participated as collective
communities, this has not stopped activists from participating in the
revolution. It is important to dispel the notion that that minorities
do not participate or that the opposition is monolithic.
Alawi and Christian activists have protested across the country.
Alawis such as Tawfiq Dunia, Nabras Fadel, and Sondos Sulaiman have
been serving as members of the Syrian National Council along with
dozens of Christians-most prominently George Sabra. Many Alawis and
Christians have been imprisoned and tortured. Some Alawis, such as
Khawla Dunia and Samar Yazbeck, have served as revolutionary writers.
The prominent Alawi actress Fadwa Suleiman, who has been leading
rallies in Homs, has been received as a revolutionary hero by Syrian
protesters.
In December 2011, Father Paolo Dall'Ogli, a Jesuit priest who founded
Mar Musa monastery, was expelled from Syria by the government for
speaking against totalitarianism and for reconciliation in Syria.
Revolutionists from all backgrounds hailed him as a hero. In the heart
of protests in Hama, a city vilified by the regime as a hotbed for
Islamic extremism, protesters raised a wooden cross with the words
"Thank you Father Paolo" written on it. The expulsion of Father Paolo,
along with the government's new constitution maintaining the
requirement that the President be a Muslim, reminded the Christian
community that the government is not necessarily out to protect them.
Ethnic minority groups, specifically Assyrian Syriacs and Kurds, have
also played a significant role in the revolution, both serving in the
Syrian National Council as well as leading local coordinating
committees, mainly in Qamishli and Hasake.
Securing a future for Armenians in Syria
Armenians in Syria and in the Middle East in general tend to live in
isolated communities, detached from social and political life. They
overwhelmingly perceive themselves as temporary guests in the country,
as opposed to citizens who contract rights and obligations. This
mentality, which is largely to blame on the leadership of the
community, shapes their perceptions of the political realities of the
day, and compels them to support stable dictatorships in which they
can maintain these isolated and segregated communities.
This model for the Syrian Armenian community, however, is a faulty
one. It fails to conceive of Armenians as an integral part of the
fabric of Syria, while also failing to secure the future of the
community in the long term.
Approximately 60,000-80,000 Armenians currently live in Syria. They
are mainly centered in Aleppo, but also have large numbers in
Damascus, Latakia, Kessab, Der Zor, Qamishli, Raqqa, and other areas.
They maintain institutions such as schools, however under certain
limitations. Schools for example, are not allowed to teach Armenian
history. They are allowed to teach the Armenian language a certain
number of periods a week, but only because Armenians are recognized as
a religious community and not an ethnic community, thus the language
is allowed only on the basis of it being the liturgical language of
the Armenian Church.
by Filor Nighoghosian
http://www.reporter.am/go/article/2012-03-03-syrian-revolution-and-the-future-of-the-armenian-community
Published: Saturday March 03, 2012
A rare sight: an Armenian language protest sign in Qamishli opposes a
Syrian constitutional clause that restricts presidency to Muslims.
Provided by the author
Chicago - From the author: The purpose of this article is to establish
a general understanding of the situation in Syria and where the Syrian
Armenian community fits. It is an urgent call to reexamine the
dominant position of the Armenian community towards the Syrian crisis,
and is written out of a genuine concern for the future of the Armenian
community in Syria. I will provide a general background of the Syrian
revolution and its main actors, an understanding of the Syrian
Armenian community and its respective position towards the Syrian
revolution, and a discussion of the primary concerns of the Armenian
community.
The Syrian revolution: background and actors
The uprising in Syria was triggered after a number of children from
Deraa who, inspired by the revolutions in Tunisia and Egypt, scrawled
anti-regime graffiti on a wall and were tortured by government
security forces. Images and news of the tortures of children in Deraa
spread across Syria, and coupled with economic grievances, corruption,
and nepotism, the protests in Syria turned into a full-blown
revolution for freedom and dignity.
Local Coordination Committees emerged as primary actors in organizing
and planning protests and civil disobedience tactics in support of the
revolution on the ground. Another key group both politically and for
organizing regional protest activities is the Syrian Revolution
General Commission, headed up by Suheir Atassi.
The Syrian National Council is an umbrella organization that
encompasses many opposition blocs and serves as a political body
seeking to overthrow the Syrian regime and establish a civil
democratic state. It is supported by the LCC's, the Assyrian
Democratic Organization, the Muslim Brotherhood, Kurdish parties, and
the Damascus Declaration signatories.
The National Coordinating Committee is another Syrian political
opposition body led by Haythem Manna. It holds a strong position
against foreign intervention, sectarianism, and violence.
The Free Syria Army is the collective name for army-defected militias
that emerged in the summer of 2011 as well as civilians who have
joined the popular armed struggle. They are not led by any central
authority or bound together by a particular ideology, and are in fact
quite diverse. There are other opposition groups within Syria,
however the ones mentioned are the key actors.
Minority Participation
While socially conservative Sunnis account for a huge number of
participants in the revolution, Alawis, Christians, ethnic minorities,
and seculars have also actively participated in all aspects of the
revolution. Although they have not participated as collective
communities, this has not stopped activists from participating in the
revolution. It is important to dispel the notion that that minorities
do not participate or that the opposition is monolithic.
Alawi and Christian activists have protested across the country.
Alawis such as Tawfiq Dunia, Nabras Fadel, and Sondos Sulaiman have
been serving as members of the Syrian National Council along with
dozens of Christians-most prominently George Sabra. Many Alawis and
Christians have been imprisoned and tortured. Some Alawis, such as
Khawla Dunia and Samar Yazbeck, have served as revolutionary writers.
The prominent Alawi actress Fadwa Suleiman, who has been leading
rallies in Homs, has been received as a revolutionary hero by Syrian
protesters.
In December 2011, Father Paolo Dall'Ogli, a Jesuit priest who founded
Mar Musa monastery, was expelled from Syria by the government for
speaking against totalitarianism and for reconciliation in Syria.
Revolutionists from all backgrounds hailed him as a hero. In the heart
of protests in Hama, a city vilified by the regime as a hotbed for
Islamic extremism, protesters raised a wooden cross with the words
"Thank you Father Paolo" written on it. The expulsion of Father Paolo,
along with the government's new constitution maintaining the
requirement that the President be a Muslim, reminded the Christian
community that the government is not necessarily out to protect them.
Ethnic minority groups, specifically Assyrian Syriacs and Kurds, have
also played a significant role in the revolution, both serving in the
Syrian National Council as well as leading local coordinating
committees, mainly in Qamishli and Hasake.
Securing a future for Armenians in Syria
Armenians in Syria and in the Middle East in general tend to live in
isolated communities, detached from social and political life. They
overwhelmingly perceive themselves as temporary guests in the country,
as opposed to citizens who contract rights and obligations. This
mentality, which is largely to blame on the leadership of the
community, shapes their perceptions of the political realities of the
day, and compels them to support stable dictatorships in which they
can maintain these isolated and segregated communities.
This model for the Syrian Armenian community, however, is a faulty
one. It fails to conceive of Armenians as an integral part of the
fabric of Syria, while also failing to secure the future of the
community in the long term.
Approximately 60,000-80,000 Armenians currently live in Syria. They
are mainly centered in Aleppo, but also have large numbers in
Damascus, Latakia, Kessab, Der Zor, Qamishli, Raqqa, and other areas.
They maintain institutions such as schools, however under certain
limitations. Schools for example, are not allowed to teach Armenian
history. They are allowed to teach the Armenian language a certain
number of periods a week, but only because Armenians are recognized as
a religious community and not an ethnic community, thus the language
is allowed only on the basis of it being the liturgical language of
the Armenian Church.