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FRANCOIS HOLLANDE AND THE TURKS
Hurriyet
May 14 2012
Turkey
There is a historical trend in the main Socialist leaders of France
alternating their attitudes vis-a-vis the Turks, especially if the
Armenian question is involved. Jean Jaurès (1859-1914) diffused the
Armenian nationalist propaganda in the 1890s, in ignorance, then met
the Young Turks and became, until his death, their loyal friend. The
first years of Francois Mitterrand's presidency were marked by a
serious crisis (1981-1984), but it was very quickly resolved and
followed by years (1985-2000) of good relations.
However, this is perhaps the first time that the victory of a Socialist
provokes both satisfaction and concern, from a Franco-Turkish
perspective. For the Turks, the main sensitive points are: French
awareness (or lack thereof) of Turkey's growing importance; the Turkish
candidacy for European Union membership; the cooperation against
terrorism (chiefly the PKK); the situation of Turkish immigrants in
France; and the Armenian question.
Mr. Hollande understands the strategic and economic role of Turkey. He
wrote in his book Le Reve Francais (The French Dream, 2011) that
negotiations between the EU and Turkey must be "fairly" (loyalement)
pursued, until their conclusion. He criticized Mr. Sarkozy several
times for his radical opposition to Turkish candidacy. Despite the
persistent ignorance of some Socialist leaders about the PKK, there is
no reason to fear that the Franco-Turkish agreement against organized
crime, signed in October 2011, will suffer. Mr. Hollande was elected
on a program of national unity and reconciliation in a rejection of
the anti-immigrant demagogy. He even promised to present a reform
giving non-EU citizens the right to vote in municipal elections.
Consequently, it is clear that only the Armenian question represents a
serious subject of concern, which must be neither underestimated nor
overestimated. Turkey and Turks are paying the cost of more than ten
years (1997 until the late 2000s) of passivity and ineffectiveness
vis-a-vis Mr. Hollande, ten years largely used by the Armenian
Revolutionary Federation (ARF) for its proper agenda. Even the staunch
support of the ARF for the Nazis, or the terrorist tradition of
this party, were not used as an argument for years. Turkey and Turks
are also paying for the more than twenty years (from the beginning
of 1990s to today) almost without translation of any scholarly work
rebutting the "Armenian genocide" allegations into French. Regardless,
is it too late? No.
Among the close friends of Mr. Hollande, you have not only members
of the ARF, but also several MPs who gave their signature to send the
Boyer bill to the Constitutional Council. Mr. Sarkozy tried until the
end to prevent these applications from being presented. Mr. Hollande
eventually renounced the pressuring the MPs of his party, after a few
days. Mr. Hollande's recent speeches given to Armenian associations,
in Marseille and Paris, were published only by Armenian websites,
not by his campaign site or by the Socialist Party.
The current situation of both national and European jurisprudence
is another reason to be quite optimistic. The decision of the
Constitutional Council destroying the Boyer bill was based on the
principle of law, not a formal, secondary problem. It leaves very
little possibility for a new attempt. The Court of Justice of the
European Union decided in 2003 (first instance) and 2004 (appeal)
that the European Parliament's resolution regarding the Armenian
"genocide" had no legal value. The European Parliament itself has
reversed its views since 2007.
In conclusion, a lot of work remains, but Mr. Sarkozy's defeat
most likely marks the beginning of a new spring in Franco-Turkish
relations. A coordinated effort of information and education, which
would neglect no issue, is needed and would be very fruitful.
Maxime Gauin is a researcher at the International Strategic Research
Organization (USAK) and a Ph.D. candidate at the Middle East Technical
University Department of History.
Hurriyet
May 14 2012
Turkey
There is a historical trend in the main Socialist leaders of France
alternating their attitudes vis-a-vis the Turks, especially if the
Armenian question is involved. Jean Jaurès (1859-1914) diffused the
Armenian nationalist propaganda in the 1890s, in ignorance, then met
the Young Turks and became, until his death, their loyal friend. The
first years of Francois Mitterrand's presidency were marked by a
serious crisis (1981-1984), but it was very quickly resolved and
followed by years (1985-2000) of good relations.
However, this is perhaps the first time that the victory of a Socialist
provokes both satisfaction and concern, from a Franco-Turkish
perspective. For the Turks, the main sensitive points are: French
awareness (or lack thereof) of Turkey's growing importance; the Turkish
candidacy for European Union membership; the cooperation against
terrorism (chiefly the PKK); the situation of Turkish immigrants in
France; and the Armenian question.
Mr. Hollande understands the strategic and economic role of Turkey. He
wrote in his book Le Reve Francais (The French Dream, 2011) that
negotiations between the EU and Turkey must be "fairly" (loyalement)
pursued, until their conclusion. He criticized Mr. Sarkozy several
times for his radical opposition to Turkish candidacy. Despite the
persistent ignorance of some Socialist leaders about the PKK, there is
no reason to fear that the Franco-Turkish agreement against organized
crime, signed in October 2011, will suffer. Mr. Hollande was elected
on a program of national unity and reconciliation in a rejection of
the anti-immigrant demagogy. He even promised to present a reform
giving non-EU citizens the right to vote in municipal elections.
Consequently, it is clear that only the Armenian question represents a
serious subject of concern, which must be neither underestimated nor
overestimated. Turkey and Turks are paying the cost of more than ten
years (1997 until the late 2000s) of passivity and ineffectiveness
vis-a-vis Mr. Hollande, ten years largely used by the Armenian
Revolutionary Federation (ARF) for its proper agenda. Even the staunch
support of the ARF for the Nazis, or the terrorist tradition of
this party, were not used as an argument for years. Turkey and Turks
are also paying for the more than twenty years (from the beginning
of 1990s to today) almost without translation of any scholarly work
rebutting the "Armenian genocide" allegations into French. Regardless,
is it too late? No.
Among the close friends of Mr. Hollande, you have not only members
of the ARF, but also several MPs who gave their signature to send the
Boyer bill to the Constitutional Council. Mr. Sarkozy tried until the
end to prevent these applications from being presented. Mr. Hollande
eventually renounced the pressuring the MPs of his party, after a few
days. Mr. Hollande's recent speeches given to Armenian associations,
in Marseille and Paris, were published only by Armenian websites,
not by his campaign site or by the Socialist Party.
The current situation of both national and European jurisprudence
is another reason to be quite optimistic. The decision of the
Constitutional Council destroying the Boyer bill was based on the
principle of law, not a formal, secondary problem. It leaves very
little possibility for a new attempt. The Court of Justice of the
European Union decided in 2003 (first instance) and 2004 (appeal)
that the European Parliament's resolution regarding the Armenian
"genocide" had no legal value. The European Parliament itself has
reversed its views since 2007.
In conclusion, a lot of work remains, but Mr. Sarkozy's defeat
most likely marks the beginning of a new spring in Franco-Turkish
relations. A coordinated effort of information and education, which
would neglect no issue, is needed and would be very fruitful.
Maxime Gauin is a researcher at the International Strategic Research
Organization (USAK) and a Ph.D. candidate at the Middle East Technical
University Department of History.