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EXCLUSIVE INTERVIEW: RASHAD AL-DABBAGH OF THE SYRIAN AMERICAN COUNCIL
Foreign Policy Blogs Network
May 21, 2012 Monday 6:17 PM EST
The following interview was conducted by Foreign Policy Blog s Rob
Lattin with the Syrian American Council s (SAC) Communications Director
Rashad Al-Dabbagh.
The SAC is a non-partisan, non-sectarian grassroots organization
devoted to promoting educational, civic, economic, and human
development, as well as advancing civil liberties and human dignity in
Syria. It also seeks to build bridges of understanding and cooperation
between American and Syrian people and institutions.
In addition to being the Communications Director for the SAC, Mr.
Al-Dabbagh is a Southern California-based community organizer. He has
appeared on several media outlets including NPR, Aljazeera English,
CBS, Los Angeles Times, and Al-Hurra. Al-Dabbagh is fluent in English,
Arabic, and Armenian.
Rashad Al-Dabbagh, Communications Director for the Syrian-American
Council
FPB: More people are beginning to think that al-Assad may survive
this conflict. Is there any scenario where the Syrian people, and/or
the SAC, would accept this?
RD: Had the Assad regime conducted a sincere process of reform
addressing the needs of the Syrian people at the beginning of the
revolution, it could have been acceptable to the Syrian people.
However, after the killings of more than 14,000 people, according
to local coordination committees, and the incarceration, torture,
expulsion of tens of thousands, the Syrian people who revolted for
freedom refuse to accept Assad as their president and vow to overthrow
the regime no matter how long it takes.
FPB: What does the political environment look like if Assad is
overthrown? What kind of protection is being established for minority
groups?
RD: The Assad regime s propaganda machine has been instigating
sectarianism since the beginning of the revolution in March 2011
to scare minorities into submission. All segments of Syrian society
have suffered under Assad s dictatorship and many Christians, Kurds,
and even Alawites have been participating in the protests and have
had leadership roles in the opposition. The main opposition group,
the Syrian National Council, which includes members of diverse
religious and ethnic backgrounds, has addressed the issue of protecting
minorities in a post-Assad Syria many times. Additionally, the Syrian
Muslim Brotherhood issued a document in April 2012, which it called
a pledge and charter, in which it vowed to establish a pluralistic
democracy in a civil constitutional state, with equality of all
citizens and full respect for human rights and freedoms, in a
post-Assad Syria.
Assad s departure and building a new democratic Syria is the only
guarantee to protect the rights of minorities.
FPB: With the lack of international intervention, there are rumors
that the opposition has begun covert talks with Israel for support
(though the details of that support are unclear), is there any truth
to this? Would the opposition work with Israel if it meant a quicker
demise to the Assad regime and faster track to democracy?
RD: Covert talks with Israel are exactly what you described them to
be; rumors. The revolution in Syria started because the Syrian people
decided they will no longer accept the dictatorship and corruption
of the Assad regime, not to conduct covert operations with a country
deemed as an enemy by Syrians. Talks with Israel would undermine the
revolution because it would not reflect the desires of the Syrian
people. If the opposition works with Israel it would immediately
lose any credibility it has with the Syrian people. There are no such
talks at all. They are baseless rumors.
FPB: Even if they are rumors, the SAC website states its desire for
intervention to help bring an end to the conflict. But based on your
response to the previous question, are you saying the Syrian people
would rather fall further into civil war than accept help from Israel?
RD: SAC calls for establishing humanitarian corridors and safe zones
by an international coalition led by Turkey and the Arab League and
supported by the US and other allies to protect the Syrian people
from the regime s violence. The alternative to civil war is not help
from Israel, which was never brought up. The alternative is either
Assad stepping down with immense local and international pressure,
which has so far failed, or the establishment of safe zones as we
have called for.
FPB: You keep saying things like the alternative to civil war is
not help from Israel and The revolution in Syria started because the
Syrian people decided they will no longer accept the dictatorship and
corruption of the Assad regime, not to conduct covert operations with
a country deemed as an enemy, implying that I m suggesting Israel was
an original aspect of the uprising or somehow the only alternative to
what is going on. But that is not what my question is asking. Simply,
in lieu of the failures of the rest of the international community
to provide support, would Syrians accept help from Israel if it meant
less dead Syrians and a potential quicker fall of Assad?
RD: That is a hypothetical question. Did Israel offer logistical
support to Syrian rebels? There hasn t been any scientific polls
conducted inside Syria asking whether they would accept help from
Israel.
However, Syrians do not consider Israel a friend because of its
occupation of the Syrian Golan Heights, as well as Palestinian
territories. To Syrians, the desire to rid their country from Assad
does not mean selling their country to the highest bidder, it s a
revolution to preserve Syria s dignity and sovereignty.
Syrians are protesting for freedom and thousands have already died,
but they continue to protest. If their main concern was to end the
regime s killing, they can stop protesting, quit the revolution, and
accept living under many more years of dictatorship and the regime
s killing will stop.
FPB: You mentioned that the Muslim Brotherhood issued a document
declaring that it wanted it a pluralistic democracy with equality
for all Syrian citizens and an adherence to human rights norms. Is
the Muslim Brotherhood gaining ground in Syria?
RD: The facts on the ground suggest otherwise. It was a capital offense
to be a member of the Muslim Brotherhood in Syria. During 40 years of
emergency law, the police state has gone to great lengths to eradicate
the group s adherents. Unlike in Egypt, the Syrian Muslim Brotherhood
has been a purely exile (and largely defunct) opposition group for
decades. Local groups that make up the revolutionary coordination
committees are the one s gaining influence inside the country.
FPB: If /when Assad leaves office, will the Muslim Brotherhood be
welcomed into the political spectrum?
RD: That would be determined by the ballot box.
FPB: There is a lot of pressure on Turkey to directly intervene in
Syria, how has their unwillingness to do so affected their popularity
among Syrians?
RD: The popularity of Turkey has declined because of its empty promises
of providing support and specially when Syrian forces entered Turkish
territory when it targeted and killed a number of Syrian refugees. In
general, Syrians have lost hope in the international community after a
year of talks and no action but they remain resilient. A protester once
held a sign (in Arabic) that read: observers will observe, Assad will
kill, we will continue our revolution, which sums up their attitude.
FPB: So when the dust has cleared, and hopefully Assad has fallen,
who are the likely countries Syria will turn to for alliance building?
RD: A post-Assad foreign policy will be determined after the fall
of the regime by elected Syrians, based on the national interest of
Syria. A post-Assad Syria will maintain an active Arab and regional
relations and will maintain sovereignty, equality, and cooperation
built upon mutual respect and the priorities of national interest.
FPB: What is the SAC s position on Syrian relations with Iran?
RD: Again, a post-Assad foreign policy will be determined after the
fall of the regime by an elected Syrian government, based on the
national interest of Syria. However, the Iranian government s current
support of the Assad regime to suppress the Syrian revolution will
ultimately affect Syria s relationship with Iran negatively in a
post-Assad Syria. SAC and the Syrian people will not forget Iran s
role in the crack down on protesters.
Foreign Policy Blogs Network
May 21, 2012 Monday 6:17 PM EST
The following interview was conducted by Foreign Policy Blog s Rob
Lattin with the Syrian American Council s (SAC) Communications Director
Rashad Al-Dabbagh.
The SAC is a non-partisan, non-sectarian grassroots organization
devoted to promoting educational, civic, economic, and human
development, as well as advancing civil liberties and human dignity in
Syria. It also seeks to build bridges of understanding and cooperation
between American and Syrian people and institutions.
In addition to being the Communications Director for the SAC, Mr.
Al-Dabbagh is a Southern California-based community organizer. He has
appeared on several media outlets including NPR, Aljazeera English,
CBS, Los Angeles Times, and Al-Hurra. Al-Dabbagh is fluent in English,
Arabic, and Armenian.
Rashad Al-Dabbagh, Communications Director for the Syrian-American
Council
FPB: More people are beginning to think that al-Assad may survive
this conflict. Is there any scenario where the Syrian people, and/or
the SAC, would accept this?
RD: Had the Assad regime conducted a sincere process of reform
addressing the needs of the Syrian people at the beginning of the
revolution, it could have been acceptable to the Syrian people.
However, after the killings of more than 14,000 people, according
to local coordination committees, and the incarceration, torture,
expulsion of tens of thousands, the Syrian people who revolted for
freedom refuse to accept Assad as their president and vow to overthrow
the regime no matter how long it takes.
FPB: What does the political environment look like if Assad is
overthrown? What kind of protection is being established for minority
groups?
RD: The Assad regime s propaganda machine has been instigating
sectarianism since the beginning of the revolution in March 2011
to scare minorities into submission. All segments of Syrian society
have suffered under Assad s dictatorship and many Christians, Kurds,
and even Alawites have been participating in the protests and have
had leadership roles in the opposition. The main opposition group,
the Syrian National Council, which includes members of diverse
religious and ethnic backgrounds, has addressed the issue of protecting
minorities in a post-Assad Syria many times. Additionally, the Syrian
Muslim Brotherhood issued a document in April 2012, which it called
a pledge and charter, in which it vowed to establish a pluralistic
democracy in a civil constitutional state, with equality of all
citizens and full respect for human rights and freedoms, in a
post-Assad Syria.
Assad s departure and building a new democratic Syria is the only
guarantee to protect the rights of minorities.
FPB: With the lack of international intervention, there are rumors
that the opposition has begun covert talks with Israel for support
(though the details of that support are unclear), is there any truth
to this? Would the opposition work with Israel if it meant a quicker
demise to the Assad regime and faster track to democracy?
RD: Covert talks with Israel are exactly what you described them to
be; rumors. The revolution in Syria started because the Syrian people
decided they will no longer accept the dictatorship and corruption
of the Assad regime, not to conduct covert operations with a country
deemed as an enemy by Syrians. Talks with Israel would undermine the
revolution because it would not reflect the desires of the Syrian
people. If the opposition works with Israel it would immediately
lose any credibility it has with the Syrian people. There are no such
talks at all. They are baseless rumors.
FPB: Even if they are rumors, the SAC website states its desire for
intervention to help bring an end to the conflict. But based on your
response to the previous question, are you saying the Syrian people
would rather fall further into civil war than accept help from Israel?
RD: SAC calls for establishing humanitarian corridors and safe zones
by an international coalition led by Turkey and the Arab League and
supported by the US and other allies to protect the Syrian people
from the regime s violence. The alternative to civil war is not help
from Israel, which was never brought up. The alternative is either
Assad stepping down with immense local and international pressure,
which has so far failed, or the establishment of safe zones as we
have called for.
FPB: You keep saying things like the alternative to civil war is
not help from Israel and The revolution in Syria started because the
Syrian people decided they will no longer accept the dictatorship and
corruption of the Assad regime, not to conduct covert operations with
a country deemed as an enemy, implying that I m suggesting Israel was
an original aspect of the uprising or somehow the only alternative to
what is going on. But that is not what my question is asking. Simply,
in lieu of the failures of the rest of the international community
to provide support, would Syrians accept help from Israel if it meant
less dead Syrians and a potential quicker fall of Assad?
RD: That is a hypothetical question. Did Israel offer logistical
support to Syrian rebels? There hasn t been any scientific polls
conducted inside Syria asking whether they would accept help from
Israel.
However, Syrians do not consider Israel a friend because of its
occupation of the Syrian Golan Heights, as well as Palestinian
territories. To Syrians, the desire to rid their country from Assad
does not mean selling their country to the highest bidder, it s a
revolution to preserve Syria s dignity and sovereignty.
Syrians are protesting for freedom and thousands have already died,
but they continue to protest. If their main concern was to end the
regime s killing, they can stop protesting, quit the revolution, and
accept living under many more years of dictatorship and the regime
s killing will stop.
FPB: You mentioned that the Muslim Brotherhood issued a document
declaring that it wanted it a pluralistic democracy with equality
for all Syrian citizens and an adherence to human rights norms. Is
the Muslim Brotherhood gaining ground in Syria?
RD: The facts on the ground suggest otherwise. It was a capital offense
to be a member of the Muslim Brotherhood in Syria. During 40 years of
emergency law, the police state has gone to great lengths to eradicate
the group s adherents. Unlike in Egypt, the Syrian Muslim Brotherhood
has been a purely exile (and largely defunct) opposition group for
decades. Local groups that make up the revolutionary coordination
committees are the one s gaining influence inside the country.
FPB: If /when Assad leaves office, will the Muslim Brotherhood be
welcomed into the political spectrum?
RD: That would be determined by the ballot box.
FPB: There is a lot of pressure on Turkey to directly intervene in
Syria, how has their unwillingness to do so affected their popularity
among Syrians?
RD: The popularity of Turkey has declined because of its empty promises
of providing support and specially when Syrian forces entered Turkish
territory when it targeted and killed a number of Syrian refugees. In
general, Syrians have lost hope in the international community after a
year of talks and no action but they remain resilient. A protester once
held a sign (in Arabic) that read: observers will observe, Assad will
kill, we will continue our revolution, which sums up their attitude.
FPB: So when the dust has cleared, and hopefully Assad has fallen,
who are the likely countries Syria will turn to for alliance building?
RD: A post-Assad foreign policy will be determined after the fall
of the regime by elected Syrians, based on the national interest of
Syria. A post-Assad Syria will maintain an active Arab and regional
relations and will maintain sovereignty, equality, and cooperation
built upon mutual respect and the priorities of national interest.
FPB: What is the SAC s position on Syrian relations with Iran?
RD: Again, a post-Assad foreign policy will be determined after the
fall of the regime by an elected Syrian government, based on the
national interest of Syria. However, the Iranian government s current
support of the Assad regime to suppress the Syrian revolution will
ultimately affect Syria s relationship with Iran negatively in a
post-Assad Syria. SAC and the Syrian people will not forget Iran s
role in the crack down on protesters.