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ANKARA: The EU-Armenia Association Agreement And Moscow's Playbook

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  • ANKARA: The EU-Armenia Association Agreement And Moscow's Playbook

    THE EU-ARMENIA ASSOCIATION AGREEMENT AND MOSCOW'S PLAYBOOK

    Today's Zaman, Turkey
    July 31 2013

    ZAUR SHIRIYEV

    A week ago, Armenia and the European Union concluded negotiations on
    a Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area (DCFTA). The DCFTA is an
    integral part of Armenia's Association Agreement, which it expects
    to sign at November's Eastern Partnership summit in Vilnius.

    Unsurprisingly, the negotiations have intensified the debate about
    how Armenian-EU relations will be balanced with Yerevan-Moscow ties.

    The essential question among Armenian experts is how Moscow will
    react towards Armenia. According to Brussels, signing an Association
    Agreement will essentially preclude Yerevan's membership in not only
    Russia's Customs Union but also the so-called Eurasian Union. Beyond
    the challenge of Moscow's reaction, the debate also encompasses the
    possible economic and political benefits for Armenia, as well as the
    Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.

    >From the perspective of the Armenian ruling elite, there are several
    aspects of the agreement that will strengthen the country economically
    and politically:

    First of all, the EU's political and material support will help
    stabilize the Armenian economy. But on the other hand, the current
    economic crisis in the eurozone prevents the EU from making any
    grand gestures of financial support. By contrast, Russia's overall
    investment in the Armenian economy since independence is close to $3.3
    billion, equal to more than 40 percent of all foreign investment. It
    is true that after Russia, France and Greece are the second and third
    biggest investors, but this is due to national rather than EU-related
    initiatives. Furthermore, the key difference is that Moscow used its
    investments as a tool to gain economic and political dependence on
    Yerevan's part.

    Second, the Armenian authorities will argue that the benefits of the
    DCFTA agreement will be limited by the border closures. The reference
    here is not to the closed Armenian-Azerbaijani borders, but to the
    Turkish-Armenian border. Yerevan believes that after signing the
    Association Agreement, they can ask Europe to put pressure on Turkey
    to open the border. Armenian President Serzh Sarksyan indicated this
    aim in speeches at the end of June in Poland and in early July in
    Moldova. In the latter, Sarksyan said that the free trade agreement
    (FTA) is unworkable if the Armenian-Turkish border remains closed
    and called for action by the EU. "We think that the European Union
    should seriously address the issue of closed borders because their
    existence cannot make trade with the EU's customs union effective."

    The third issue is the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. By signing an
    Association Agreement before Azerbaijan, Yerevan hopes to avoid
    the inclusion of the "territorial integrity" provision among
    its commitments. This is despite the fact that among Yerevan's
    intelligentsia, it is believed that the EU's involvement in the
    conflict resolution is crucial and should be increased. If the EU does
    not make serious commitments regarding a Nagorno-Karabakh conflict
    resolution, it risks further criticism from Azerbaijan, namely that EU
    member countries have double standards with respect to Azerbaijan's
    territorial integrity. Azerbaijan wants an agreement that includes a
    commitment from the EU: that it will take act as a guarantor for the
    second phase of Nagorno-Karabakh status negotiations if the parties
    reach a political solution. The Yerevan-EU and Baku-EU agreements,
    by including commitments for conflict resolution and post-conflict
    resolution, will mean that both countries are relying on a "more
    results, financial support" system of conflict resolution. If
    the EU signs an agreement with Armenia without these commitments,
    Azerbaijan's next question will be about the geographical delimitation
    of EU-Armenian trade. The concern there is that the de facto regime
    in Nagorno-Karabakh could benefit from the agreement and use it to
    bolster its prospects for future survival.

    Moscow's reaction: 'Dog in the manger'?

    The draft text of the association agreement has not been disclosed
    despite the recommendation of European Commissioner for Enlargement
    and European Neighborhood Policy Stefan Fule. Thus the precise details
    of the Nagorno-Karabakh provisions are unknown to the public. The
    tricky question, much debated among the Armenian public, remains
    Moscow's potential reaction. Most experts anticipate a "dog in the
    manger" position. In order to prevent Armenia from becoming closer
    to the EU, Russia has, for instance, recently increased the price of
    gas exports for Armenia. And when an Armenian truck driver recently
    caused a fatal road accident in Russia, Russian authorities dealt
    with him harshly. These have been cited as indicators of Moscow's
    dissatisfaction. Interestingly -- and unexpectedly -- both cases gave
    rise to protests in front of the Russian embassy in Yerevan.

    Moscow seems less concerned than Armenians might have expected.

    Russia's position is that the agreement does not represent a choice
    between the EU and Russia. The belief in Moscow is that there is
    no "either/or" choice for Armenia. It does seem clear, though,
    that Armenia must acknowledge who is currently more influential in
    the region and in Armenia; who is more important and necessary for
    Armenians -- Russia or the EU?

    Meanwhile, there is not yet enough information to establish Russia's
    official position, which will likely become clearer through the
    developments in the next month. It is expected but not confirmed
    that President Sarksyan will visit Moscow following Russian President
    Vladimir Putin's "East Expedition"-- visits to Azerbaijan and Iran.

    Clearly, it would be wrong to treat Armenia's Association Agreement
    with the EU as a geopolitical choice; Yerevan made that choice two
    decades ago. Moreover Armenia is not in a sufficiently strong position
    to make a final choice regarding its ultimate political alignment. For
    now, until the text of the association agreement is disclosed and
    until Russia reveals an official position, the situation bears strong
    resemblance to the Russian saying, "All cats are grey in the dark."

    http://www.todayszaman.com/columnistDetail_getNewsById.action?newsId=322382




    From: A. Papazian
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