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WHEN THE AUTHORITIES LEGITIMIZE THE OPPOSITION
Armen Arakelyan
http://hetq.am/eng/news/22353/when-the-authorities-legitimize-the-opposition.html
20:12, January 15, 2013
The chosen strategy of refusing to participate in the presidential
elections taken by the major Armenian political parties--the
Prosperous Armenia Party, the Armenian National Congress and
ARF-Dashnaktsutyun--was a concrete action and an expression
of political will. But their mutual decision wasn't a way to
promote action; instead it created inaction, self-isolation and
marginalization.
Prosperous Armenia and the Congress not only refused to field their own
candidate or support another, they withdrew to their dens without even
clarifying their positions on the upcoming elections and, especially,
their possible actions after the elections. These two powerful parties,
which have the biggest potential to influence public opinion, made it
clear to society that not only are they unprepared for these elections
and any future political struggle, they also take no responsibility.
ARF-Dashnaktsutyun's case is a little different. Although the party
said it wouldn't field a candidate thereby misleading its electorate,
it avoided being completely left out of the game. Although isolated,
ARF-Dashnaktsutyun clarified some rules of the game for itself--
it wouldn't support the incumbent president under any circumstances
and more importantly, unlike Prosperous Armenia, it didn't refuse to
develop a common political platform and be guided by that. Rather,
the party declared it as their main goal regardless of the election
outcome.
The question here is not whether the proposal of such ideas and
principles is fabricated or real, whether ARF-Dashnaktsutyun is
being honest or how persistent it will be in pursuing those issues
in future. What's important is providing a basis for justifying being
left in the political arena. ARF-Dashnaktsutyun might not find enough
arguments to do so, but it positioned itself as a passive observer
just like Prosperous Armenia and the Congress. It's hard to say if
the party will be able to overcome its situation after the elections.
Anyway, this act of complete self-isolation made by Prosperous Armenia
and the Congress, and the partial self-isolation of ARF-Dashnaktsutyun,
brought them to a deadlock that is quite difficult to break in
a normal social and political environment. By not participating in
these elections, they also cannot dispute the results for the simple
reason being that they refuse to monitor them.
Willingly or not, they are legitimizing Serzh Sargsyan's election
regardless of the number of violations and fraud.
The illegality factor of the authorities is no longer a part of a
political agenda. If there is any attempt to turn the elections into
a recurrence of a political struggle, the authorities and society as
well will remind them about having chosen political self-isolation.
That means no matter how much they may want to, their efforts towards
consolidating the public would be ineffective for at least one or
two years. No one would believe them.
Elections are the only legal and constitutional way to change a
political situation and achieve power. They actually refused to use
that means. But they also can't offer revolutionary solutions, as the
policy of self-isolation prevents them from doing so. They wouldn't
be able to prove that Serzh Sargsyan is an illegitimate president.
Organizing any revolutionary movement without having a basis for the
president's illegitimacy will deem their struggle, and each one of
them, unconstitutional. The government would have a right to suppress
the development of any movement and at least gain loyalty if not
support from abroad.
Thus, there could be a situation where the existence of these
political powers would be an end in itself. But the most dangerous
thing is that only the government would be able to break the deadlock
and rescue them from final marginalization. That was the case for
some political powers seemingly in the same situation, like Artashes
Geghamyan's National Unity party, Hayk Babukhanyan's Constitutional
Right Union, Khosrov Harutyunyan's Christian Democratic Party and
Arthur Baghdasaryan's Rule of Law party.
That's why it seems realistic that after the presidential elections
some of these opposition powers might form a coalition or, at least,
collaborate with the government.
On the other hand, Armenia is not subject to any political standards
and measures, so nothing can be ruled out, no matter how fantastic.
Armen Arakelyan
http://hetq.am/eng/news/22353/when-the-authorities-legitimize-the-opposition.html
20:12, January 15, 2013
The chosen strategy of refusing to participate in the presidential
elections taken by the major Armenian political parties--the
Prosperous Armenia Party, the Armenian National Congress and
ARF-Dashnaktsutyun--was a concrete action and an expression
of political will. But their mutual decision wasn't a way to
promote action; instead it created inaction, self-isolation and
marginalization.
Prosperous Armenia and the Congress not only refused to field their own
candidate or support another, they withdrew to their dens without even
clarifying their positions on the upcoming elections and, especially,
their possible actions after the elections. These two powerful parties,
which have the biggest potential to influence public opinion, made it
clear to society that not only are they unprepared for these elections
and any future political struggle, they also take no responsibility.
ARF-Dashnaktsutyun's case is a little different. Although the party
said it wouldn't field a candidate thereby misleading its electorate,
it avoided being completely left out of the game. Although isolated,
ARF-Dashnaktsutyun clarified some rules of the game for itself--
it wouldn't support the incumbent president under any circumstances
and more importantly, unlike Prosperous Armenia, it didn't refuse to
develop a common political platform and be guided by that. Rather,
the party declared it as their main goal regardless of the election
outcome.
The question here is not whether the proposal of such ideas and
principles is fabricated or real, whether ARF-Dashnaktsutyun is
being honest or how persistent it will be in pursuing those issues
in future. What's important is providing a basis for justifying being
left in the political arena. ARF-Dashnaktsutyun might not find enough
arguments to do so, but it positioned itself as a passive observer
just like Prosperous Armenia and the Congress. It's hard to say if
the party will be able to overcome its situation after the elections.
Anyway, this act of complete self-isolation made by Prosperous Armenia
and the Congress, and the partial self-isolation of ARF-Dashnaktsutyun,
brought them to a deadlock that is quite difficult to break in
a normal social and political environment. By not participating in
these elections, they also cannot dispute the results for the simple
reason being that they refuse to monitor them.
Willingly or not, they are legitimizing Serzh Sargsyan's election
regardless of the number of violations and fraud.
The illegality factor of the authorities is no longer a part of a
political agenda. If there is any attempt to turn the elections into
a recurrence of a political struggle, the authorities and society as
well will remind them about having chosen political self-isolation.
That means no matter how much they may want to, their efforts towards
consolidating the public would be ineffective for at least one or
two years. No one would believe them.
Elections are the only legal and constitutional way to change a
political situation and achieve power. They actually refused to use
that means. But they also can't offer revolutionary solutions, as the
policy of self-isolation prevents them from doing so. They wouldn't
be able to prove that Serzh Sargsyan is an illegitimate president.
Organizing any revolutionary movement without having a basis for the
president's illegitimacy will deem their struggle, and each one of
them, unconstitutional. The government would have a right to suppress
the development of any movement and at least gain loyalty if not
support from abroad.
Thus, there could be a situation where the existence of these
political powers would be an end in itself. But the most dangerous
thing is that only the government would be able to break the deadlock
and rescue them from final marginalization. That was the case for
some political powers seemingly in the same situation, like Artashes
Geghamyan's National Unity party, Hayk Babukhanyan's Constitutional
Right Union, Khosrov Harutyunyan's Christian Democratic Party and
Arthur Baghdasaryan's Rule of Law party.
That's why it seems realistic that after the presidential elections
some of these opposition powers might form a coalition or, at least,
collaborate with the government.
On the other hand, Armenia is not subject to any political standards
and measures, so nothing can be ruled out, no matter how fantastic.