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Today's Zaman, Turkey
July 14 2013
The Turkish people today
CHARLOTTE MCPHERSON
Most Westerners do not realize how young a nation Turkey is in its
development stage of democracy.
Any Turk who identifies him or herself as being `Atatürkçü' (followers
of Atatürk) would describe Mustafa Kemal's legacy as nothing less than
the transformation of Turkey from an absolute feudal monarchy into a
modern, secular, sovereign state, free from foreign interference,
whose citizens enjoy greater freedom and security than their
forefathers had ever known.
In my last piece, `Coups and attacks' (July 13, 2013), I examined the
military's presence in national affairs and how it is often viewed
with suspicion by the West, but it is probably one of the main reasons
Turkey is a democratic Islamic nation. Similar to Egypt at present, it
has always been Turkey's secular circles that pushed and encouraged
the military to stage coups.
In recent years, the Turkish army has been an important counterbalance
to elements that would prefer a more Islamic form of government and
law. Its involvement in politics, far from being resented or feared by
the people, has usually been welcomed by the majority of Turks.
However, trends have changed: On Feb. 28, 1997 (known as the
`postmodern' coup) at the National Security Council (MGK) meeting, the
generals submitted their views on issues regarding secularism and
political Islam in Turkey to the government. The MGK made several
decisions during this meeting, and Prime Minister Necmettin Erbakan
from the Welfare Party (RP) was forced to sign decisions intending to
protect the secularist ideology in Turkey.
In 2007 across Turkey, anti-government rallies referred to as
`Republican Rallies' were held soon after the General Staff released a
memorandum against the Justice and Development Party's (AK Party)
presidential nominee, who reportedly lacked secular credentials. It is
believed that the civilians who organized the rallies did so at the
order of a gendarme commander, with the goal of preparing the ground
for a military coup.
Turkish society is once again going through historic years. Depending
on with whom you talk, you will be told that the country's very
identity is at stake -- even topics about social norms on clothing,
beard styles and family planning can be sensitive.
I find it astonishing to realize that only 7 percent of the Turkish
population is over 60! The Turks, owing to a high birth rate and
traditionally poor national health care, are a very young nation by
Western standards. You see young people everywhere, and this gives the
country great dynamism and an enterprising spirit. Everybody wants a
better future, but they are polarized in their opinions on just what
that means!
Turkey faces delicate times as ethnic violence and civil war continue
in the Southeast, and protests have been held in numerous cities.
Roughly 80 percent or so of the population are ethnic Turks; 15
percent are Kurds; other ethnic groups include the Laz people in the
Black Sea region, Christian minorities (Armenians, Greeks, Assyrians,
Süryani) and Jews. Ever since the founding of the republic, the
government has downplayed ethnic, linguistic and religious
distinctions, fearful that a divided country could become the scene of
ethnic violence and civil war. Thus, the 1965 census was the last one
to list linguistic minorities.
The state has always sought to minimize the differences between Turks
and Kurds, often describing the latter as `mountain Turks,' and its
policies have received both the approval (for citizenship, education
for all, etc.) and disapproval (for limitations on the use of the
Kurdish language, etc.) of the West. The greatest fear of the Turks is
that Kurdish nationalism will result in secession. Many Kurds have
assimilated into Turkish society and are successful businessmen, and
in recent years there have even been prominent politicians of Kurdish
origin.
As part of the process of adapting to the requirements of the European
Union, greater rights have been granted to minorities, such as
broadcasts in the Kurdish language, but change is gradual. Many Turks
still fear that foreign powers wish to encourage Kurdish nationalism,
and keep a wary eye on the development of Kurdish autonomy in
neighboring Iraq.
It is wise if you are a foreign visitor to avoid political debate
about nationalism or similar topics or to voice opinions about certain
events in Turkey's past or present. Turks are sensitive, almost to the
point of paranoia, to the possibility that foreign powers might still
wish to destabilize the country through the promotion of nationalism,
etc. It could lead to losing a friend or result in a run-in with the
authorities.
`Wise men, when in doubt whether to speak or to keep quiet, give
themselves the benefit of the doubt and remain silent.' -- Napoleon
Hill
http://www.todayszaman.com/columnistDetail_getNewsById.action?newsId=320809
July 14 2013
The Turkish people today
CHARLOTTE MCPHERSON
Most Westerners do not realize how young a nation Turkey is in its
development stage of democracy.
Any Turk who identifies him or herself as being `Atatürkçü' (followers
of Atatürk) would describe Mustafa Kemal's legacy as nothing less than
the transformation of Turkey from an absolute feudal monarchy into a
modern, secular, sovereign state, free from foreign interference,
whose citizens enjoy greater freedom and security than their
forefathers had ever known.
In my last piece, `Coups and attacks' (July 13, 2013), I examined the
military's presence in national affairs and how it is often viewed
with suspicion by the West, but it is probably one of the main reasons
Turkey is a democratic Islamic nation. Similar to Egypt at present, it
has always been Turkey's secular circles that pushed and encouraged
the military to stage coups.
In recent years, the Turkish army has been an important counterbalance
to elements that would prefer a more Islamic form of government and
law. Its involvement in politics, far from being resented or feared by
the people, has usually been welcomed by the majority of Turks.
However, trends have changed: On Feb. 28, 1997 (known as the
`postmodern' coup) at the National Security Council (MGK) meeting, the
generals submitted their views on issues regarding secularism and
political Islam in Turkey to the government. The MGK made several
decisions during this meeting, and Prime Minister Necmettin Erbakan
from the Welfare Party (RP) was forced to sign decisions intending to
protect the secularist ideology in Turkey.
In 2007 across Turkey, anti-government rallies referred to as
`Republican Rallies' were held soon after the General Staff released a
memorandum against the Justice and Development Party's (AK Party)
presidential nominee, who reportedly lacked secular credentials. It is
believed that the civilians who organized the rallies did so at the
order of a gendarme commander, with the goal of preparing the ground
for a military coup.
Turkish society is once again going through historic years. Depending
on with whom you talk, you will be told that the country's very
identity is at stake -- even topics about social norms on clothing,
beard styles and family planning can be sensitive.
I find it astonishing to realize that only 7 percent of the Turkish
population is over 60! The Turks, owing to a high birth rate and
traditionally poor national health care, are a very young nation by
Western standards. You see young people everywhere, and this gives the
country great dynamism and an enterprising spirit. Everybody wants a
better future, but they are polarized in their opinions on just what
that means!
Turkey faces delicate times as ethnic violence and civil war continue
in the Southeast, and protests have been held in numerous cities.
Roughly 80 percent or so of the population are ethnic Turks; 15
percent are Kurds; other ethnic groups include the Laz people in the
Black Sea region, Christian minorities (Armenians, Greeks, Assyrians,
Süryani) and Jews. Ever since the founding of the republic, the
government has downplayed ethnic, linguistic and religious
distinctions, fearful that a divided country could become the scene of
ethnic violence and civil war. Thus, the 1965 census was the last one
to list linguistic minorities.
The state has always sought to minimize the differences between Turks
and Kurds, often describing the latter as `mountain Turks,' and its
policies have received both the approval (for citizenship, education
for all, etc.) and disapproval (for limitations on the use of the
Kurdish language, etc.) of the West. The greatest fear of the Turks is
that Kurdish nationalism will result in secession. Many Kurds have
assimilated into Turkish society and are successful businessmen, and
in recent years there have even been prominent politicians of Kurdish
origin.
As part of the process of adapting to the requirements of the European
Union, greater rights have been granted to minorities, such as
broadcasts in the Kurdish language, but change is gradual. Many Turks
still fear that foreign powers wish to encourage Kurdish nationalism,
and keep a wary eye on the development of Kurdish autonomy in
neighboring Iraq.
It is wise if you are a foreign visitor to avoid political debate
about nationalism or similar topics or to voice opinions about certain
events in Turkey's past or present. Turks are sensitive, almost to the
point of paranoia, to the possibility that foreign powers might still
wish to destabilize the country through the promotion of nationalism,
etc. It could lead to losing a friend or result in a run-in with the
authorities.
`Wise men, when in doubt whether to speak or to keep quiet, give
themselves the benefit of the doubt and remain silent.' -- Napoleon
Hill
http://www.todayszaman.com/columnistDetail_getNewsById.action?newsId=320809