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HISTORIC HAVEN
The Daily Star (Lebanon)
June 11, 2013 Tuesday
The news that Lebanon is a haven for refugees isn't news, but the
refugee issue is as newsworthy as ever.
The country has experienced three major waves of refugee movement
across its borders in the last 100 years. The first involved the
Armenians, the second was of course the Palestinians, and these days,
Syrians are the latest group to arrive. In between, there have also
been other, smaller waves, such as Iraqis fleeing the Saddam Hussein
regime, for example.
But one can also take a longer-term view. A few "authentic" Lebanese
communities, seen today as defining the country's very identity, are
in fact examples of refugees themselves, which is often forgotten in
the rhetoric swirling around the issue today.
Over the weekend, a minister from the caretaker government weighed in
on the issue, yet again, to sound the alarm bell, yet again, about the
multifaceted threat posed by the arrivals from Syria. The minister
did touch on part of the issue - the burden on Lebanon is serious
and significant - but also used the type of rhetorical flourish that
generates more hostility than good, when he said "the entire country
has become a camp for refugees."
Based on this logic, one might expect that Lebanon would have come up
with forward-thinking and durable institutions to deal with refugees,
based on this wealth of experience.
But instead, it's merely a case of an official complaining about an
issue instead of doing something constructive to tackle it. At the
heart of Lebanon's laissez-faire approach is the feeling - by some -
that "if we start providing effective means of assistance for refugees,
even more of them will come here." Here's the news: They're already
here, and something must done.
A caretaker executive authority isn't the best candidate to handle
such a task, but top officials, and the parties that actually run the
show, should take it upon themselves to set in motion some kind of
plan and principled approach to the issue of Syrian and other refugees.
Do political leaders accept the curfews and other arbitrary measures
that are appearing at the local level? Would they accept such measures
against Lebanese in other countries? Is it enough to have a government
body with a few dozen civil servants responsible for the affairs of
hundreds of thousands of desperately needy people, who are trying to
eke out a dignified existence?
Ironically, the same Syrian community that many blame for crime and
other problems is probably helping keep the economy afloat, since
tens of thousands of well-off Syrians have been busy buying property,
enrolling their children in expensive schools and patronizing local
establishments.
Lebanon faces huge burdens when it comes to Syrians and other refugee
communities, but it's time to acknowledge the country's centurieslong
status as a haven for persecuted communities and take the kind of
action that helps, not blames, the latest arrivals.
The Daily Star (Lebanon)
June 11, 2013 Tuesday
The news that Lebanon is a haven for refugees isn't news, but the
refugee issue is as newsworthy as ever.
The country has experienced three major waves of refugee movement
across its borders in the last 100 years. The first involved the
Armenians, the second was of course the Palestinians, and these days,
Syrians are the latest group to arrive. In between, there have also
been other, smaller waves, such as Iraqis fleeing the Saddam Hussein
regime, for example.
But one can also take a longer-term view. A few "authentic" Lebanese
communities, seen today as defining the country's very identity, are
in fact examples of refugees themselves, which is often forgotten in
the rhetoric swirling around the issue today.
Over the weekend, a minister from the caretaker government weighed in
on the issue, yet again, to sound the alarm bell, yet again, about the
multifaceted threat posed by the arrivals from Syria. The minister
did touch on part of the issue - the burden on Lebanon is serious
and significant - but also used the type of rhetorical flourish that
generates more hostility than good, when he said "the entire country
has become a camp for refugees."
Based on this logic, one might expect that Lebanon would have come up
with forward-thinking and durable institutions to deal with refugees,
based on this wealth of experience.
But instead, it's merely a case of an official complaining about an
issue instead of doing something constructive to tackle it. At the
heart of Lebanon's laissez-faire approach is the feeling - by some -
that "if we start providing effective means of assistance for refugees,
even more of them will come here." Here's the news: They're already
here, and something must done.
A caretaker executive authority isn't the best candidate to handle
such a task, but top officials, and the parties that actually run the
show, should take it upon themselves to set in motion some kind of
plan and principled approach to the issue of Syrian and other refugees.
Do political leaders accept the curfews and other arbitrary measures
that are appearing at the local level? Would they accept such measures
against Lebanese in other countries? Is it enough to have a government
body with a few dozen civil servants responsible for the affairs of
hundreds of thousands of desperately needy people, who are trying to
eke out a dignified existence?
Ironically, the same Syrian community that many blame for crime and
other problems is probably helping keep the economy afloat, since
tens of thousands of well-off Syrians have been busy buying property,
enrolling their children in expensive schools and patronizing local
establishments.
Lebanon faces huge burdens when it comes to Syrians and other refugee
communities, but it's time to acknowledge the country's centurieslong
status as a haven for persecuted communities and take the kind of
action that helps, not blames, the latest arrivals.