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  • Abkhazia's Railway Offers Vital Trade Link

    ABKHAZIA'S RAILWAY OFFERS VITAL TRADE LINK

    Institute for War and Peace Reporting , UK
    IWPR Caucasus Reporting #691
    June 12 2013

    Despite clear benefits, reopening the route would be fraught with
    problems.

    By Anaid Gogoryan, Nino Gerzmava, Tigran Hovhannisyan - Caucasus

    Few would disagree that reopening the Soviet-era railway through
    Abkhazia would bring benefits for the South Caucasus states and their
    neighbours. Despite this, little progress has been made on restoring
    this strategic route.

    Because the Caucasus range forms such a formidable natural barrier,
    the only north-south rail routes run down either side, where the
    mountains run down to the sea. On the western side, the railway used
    to connect Russia with Georgia. But communications were severed by
    the 1992-94 war that ended with Abkhazia declaring independence,
    a claim that Georgia continues to reject.

    Trains still run between Abkhazia and Russia. Moscow maintains
    good relations with Abkhazia and recognised its statehood in 1998
    after fighting a brief war with Georgia over another self-declared
    republic, South Ossetia. But there is no onward connection southwards
    into Georgia.

    Georgia's southern neighbour Armenia would stand to gain from a direct
    rail route to Russia. Its president Serzh Sargsyan raised hopes that
    progress was imminent after meeting Russian president Vladimir Putin
    in Moscow in mid-March.

    He said Putin told him he was about to discuss the railway with
    Abkhazian president Alexander Ankvab.

    "Then we heard that things were looking positive and that we must
    make every effort to resolve this important matter," Sargsyan told
    reporters. "But what the timescale is - that's hard for me to say."

    Interviewed by the Moscow station Radio Rossiya, Ankvab sounded
    less enthusiastic.

    "If there is a common desire and a common interest that is confirmed
    and supported, including by Abkhazian society, then we can talk about
    this. But I don't intend to make independent, unilateral decisions,"
    he said.

    RISK-AVERSE MOOD IN ABKHAZIA

    The fundamental obstacle to restarting rail traffic is the unresolved
    dispute over Abkhazia's future. Abkhaz leaders say independence is
    non-negotiable, while Georgia insists it must regain de facto control
    over this slice of sovereign territory. That leaves little room for
    negotiating on the basics. It also complicates talks on more immediate
    issues like the return of ethnic Georgians who fled Abkhazia during
    the 1992-94 conflict, and traffic and trade across the Inguri river
    which forms the de facto border between Abkhazia and Georgia.

    Moscow's recognition of and extensive support for Abkhazia means
    that Georgia regards it as a far from impartial party to talks,
    and its troop presence in the republic as an occupying rather than
    peacekeeping force.

    In Abkhazia, politicians recognise that restoring southward rail
    links would be valuable, but they want the republic to be central to
    any negotiations, rather than being presented with a fait accompli
    by other states.

    "We should be quite certain that if a railway runs from Armenia to
    Russia via Georgia and Abkhazia, Abkhazia must be the legal owner of
    its section of the railway," Deputy Foreign Minister Irakli Khintba
    said. "If those people who are interested in this railway are really
    serious, they need to do their best to ensure that Abkhazia is an
    equal stakeholder in this project."

    Khintba noted that the whole project was surrounded by risks, since
    in his words, "The level of trust between Abkhazia and Georgia is
    now below zero."

    Beslan Baratelia, dean of economics at the Abkhazian State University,
    said a fully functioning railway could earn the republic 20 or 30
    million US dollars a year in freight transit fees, but the real gains
    would be in political legitimacy. While arguing that participation
    would amount to recognition of Abkhazia as an independent state,
    Baratelia acknowledges that this prospect could itself block progress.

    "It's another matter whether Georgia will agree to this; whether it
    will be satisfied by our conditions. I think these conditions are the
    major stumbling block here," he said. "If Abkhazia's interests are
    not taken into account, and Abkhazia cannot take part in this project
    as an independent state, then of course we don't need the money."

    Several attempts were made to move the railway project forward
    between 2003 and 2005. A consortium involving Russia, Georgia and
    Armenia was set up to restore the Abkhazian section of the railway,
    but talks eventually broke down for technical reasons as well as over
    the absence of Abkhazia itself from negotiations.

    A few months after Moscow recognised Abkhazian independence in 2008,
    Russia's state rail company secured a ten-year deal to run the
    Abkhazian line and spent some 60 million US dollars on refurbishing
    it, so that parts of the route are now in better shape than before.

    Baratelia notes that the money spent on refurbishment was a loan
    which Abkhazia will need to pay back one way or another.

    "If we don't launch the railway, we won't earn the money [in fees], and
    there remains the matter of repaying the loan. It may well be that we
    have to pay debt [by ceding ownership of] the railway itself," he said.

    Arda Inal-Ipa, director of the Centre for Humanitarian Programmes,
    a leading NGO in Abkhazia, described a siege mentality which meant
    that the opportunities offered by regional integration were seen as
    a threat.

    "We've learned how to live in very severe economic conditions,"
    she said. "There are many people who don't want to push for joint
    economic projects on the grounds that these could prove dangerous
    for us. I don't think that's right, but many people want to avoid
    what they see as threats. They simply don't want to take the risks
    involved in challenges that might offer new economic opportunities."

    GEORGIA WEIGHS POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC BENEFITS

    Under President Mikheil Saakashvili, Georgia's relationship with
    Russia went from bad to worse, especially after the 2008 conflict.

    Saakashvili's party was thrown out in the parliamentary election of
    October 2012, and the incoming Georgian Dream coalition led by new
    prime minister Bidzina Ivanishvili set about trying to repair ties with
    Moscow. But with no one prepared to give ground on their respective
    positions on Abkhazia and South Ossetia, progress has been limited.

    Speaking in January, Ivanishvili said the railway issue could be
    resolved "if there is a desire on all sides", although he acknowledged
    this would be a slow process.

    The potential economic benefits are clear to many Georgians. The
    country already hosts pipelines and railways linking oil-rich
    Azerbaijan to western markets, and restoring northward rail links
    would make it even more of a regional hub and bring in earnings from
    transit fees.

    The advantage are well understood by Paata Zakareishvili, whom
    Ivanishvili appointed minister for reintegration - the point-man for
    efforts to bring Abkhazia and South Ossetia back into Georgia's orbit.

    "Everyone could use this railway - Russia, Georgia and Armenia,"
    Zakareishvili said. "It would enhance our country's role as a transport
    artery, and increase its geopolitical importance. Goods would move
    not just west-east, but also north-south."

    Irakli Menagarishvili, a former foreign minister who now heads
    Georgia's Centre for Strategic Studies, believes a common interest
    in the shape of a railway could help both Georgians and Abkhaz move
    on from the war.

    "Mutual economic integration can play an important part in the process
    of truly uniting the Georgian and Abkhazian peoples," he said. "This
    railway could be decisive."

    Others remain fearful of Russia's true intentions. They include
    Saakashvili, who remains president until an election this autumn,
    albeit with much-diminished effective powers.

    "This railway will be a launchpad for Russia to capture the Caucasus,
    establish influence over Armenia and Azerbaijan, and secure a corridor
    to Iran. Why should Georgia be a pawn in Russia's tawdry game?"

    Saakashvili said in a speech to students this January. "If the
    Abkhazian railway is restored, where will Georgian border guards
    be posted? If restoration of the Abkhazian railway does not move
    in parallel with the de-occupation of Georgia, then it will simply
    legitimise the Russian occupation of Abkhazia."

    Saakashvili said that Georgia should focus instead on east-west
    rail transport from Azerbaijan to Turkey. To complete that route,
    engineers are laying track to link the southern Georgian town of
    Akhalkalaki with Kars in eastern Turkey. This, the president said,
    would make Georgia a "strategic player".

    Ivanishvili's government does not share Saakashvili's enthusiasm for
    the Kars-Akhalkalaki project since it could draw freight traffic
    away from Georgia's Black Sea ports. Ministers have talked about
    renegotiating terms with deal with Turkey and Azerbaijan to ensure
    the ports are compensated.

    Unlike the Abkhazian railway, the Turkish connection presents technical
    problems as the standard gauge used across the former Soviet Union
    is broader than the track used in Turkey.

    ARMENIA LOOKS TO BREAK OUT OF ISOLATION

    Of the other countries in the region, Armenia would probably benefit
    the most from the Abkhaz rail project. Russia's other southward railway
    line goes down the Caspian coast to Azerbaijan, with which Armenia
    has no relations, economic or otherwise, because of the unresolved
    Nagorny Karabakh dispute.

    Russia remains Armenia's most significant ally and trading partner.

    With the borders with Azerbaijan and its ally Turkey closed, and
    a road link to Russia via central Georgia only slowly re-opening,
    Armenian export goods must be driven overland to Georgian ports,
    shipped to Russia, and then loaded back onto trucks or trains.

    Bagrat Asatryan, a former head of Armenia's central bank, believes a
    rail link via Abkhazia and Georgia would provide a much-needed boost
    to the country's failing economy. He recalled that when the route
    stopped working in the 1990s, the volume of trade between Russia and
    Armenia fell by 95 per cent or more.

    "Essentially Armenia is now under blockade, since it lacks rail
    connections to its main trading partners in Europe and Russia. That's
    why the opening of the Abkhazian railway is such an important and
    strategic task," Asatryan said.

    Apart from its routes through Georgia, Armenia only has trade and
    transport ties with Iran to the south. In January, the government in
    Yerevan announced a project to build an electrified railway as far
    as Meghri on the Iranian border, and then link this into transport
    networks that will link it to Gulf ports. The new stretch of railway
    cuts out a stretch of Soviet-era track through Azerbaijan.

    If the Abkhazian rail connection was revived, Armenia would go from
    near-isolation into a position on a route from Russia to the Gulf.

    Ruben Safrastyan, director of Armenia's Institute for Oriental Studies,
    said the route would bring the added political bonus of reducing
    Turkey's growing influence in Georgia as well as Azerbaijan.

    "Armenia would link up with Russia," he said. "As a result, Russia's
    influence would increase not only in the South Caucasus but across the
    whole region, including with regards to Georgia. This would then reduce
    Turkey's role by weakening its influence on Georgia. The opening of
    this railway is much needed by Armenia, and it will change the whole
    geopolitical situation in the South Caucasus."

    But if Armenians view Turkish influence as a bad thing, many Georgians
    see it as preferable to having Russia throw its weight around.

    "This is a big political game which will change the situation in the
    South Caucasus," said Mamuka Areshidze, head of the Caucasus Centre
    for Strategic Studies. "Georgia needs to be extremely cautious. There
    are many players who are interested in the status quo. When political
    and economic projects change in the South Caucasus, that will bring
    regional changes which could lead to military confrontation.

    Everything depends on the interests of the big political players -
    the United States, Europe, Turkey, Iran and Russia."

    Anaid Gogoryan is an IWPR-trained journalist writing for the
    Chegemskaya Pravda newspaper in Abkhazia. Nino Gerzmava is an
    IWPR-trained journalist in Georgia. Tigran Hovhannisyan is a reporter
    for Izvestia in Armenia.

    http://iwpr.net/report-news/abkhazias-railway-offers-vital-trade-link


    From: Baghdasarian
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