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>From March 1 to March 1: Five years on, post-election protests look
familiar, yet different
http://armenianow.com/vote_2013/44039/armenia_presidential_election_2013_march1_parallel s
VOTE 2013 | 01.03.13 | 15:24
NAZIK ARMENAKYAN
ArmeniaNow
By NAIRA HAYRUMYAN
ArmeniaNow correspondent
March 1, 2008 will remain in the history of Armenia as a day when in
pursuit of continued power the authorities fired at demonstrators,
killing 10 people. This day is also imprinted in the memory of many
people as a day of terror and intimidation. One would think that
people would be afraid to take to the street again to defend their
right to form government, but the current post-election reality shows
they aren't.
While supporters of various opposition factions as well as numerous
ordinary citizens converged in the area near the statue of Myasnikyan
on Friday to commemorate the victims of the bloody post-election
developments of 2008, questions linger as to whether the current
opposition and government leaders are wise enough to avoid similar
deadly clashes during the ongoing standoff.
Still, February 2013 was different from February 2008 in more ways
than one, and in particular, by the fact that people went out to
protest what they viewed as a fraudulent vote not only in capital
Yerevan, but also in provincial towns and even villages. And this is
probably the main difference between the post-election protests now
and five years ago. In 2008, the non-stop protests were focused mainly
on Liberty Square in Yerevan and it was enough for the authorities to
send troops there and arrest the organizers to quell the protest.
In 2013, despite the presence of the opposition challenger, Raffi
Hovannisian, who claims victory in the February 18 vote, there are
neither clear organizers nor clear pockets of protests in the country
as most parts of Armenia have been engulfed in a rising tide of
discontent, with rallies and student actions and a general idea of
civil disobedience pretty much in the air - something that cannot be
concentrated in one place per se and with which it is difficult to
deal using administrative and strong-arm methods.
The protest movements of 2008 and 2013 also differ in terms of their
platforms. By 2008, i.e. before the biggest financial crisis since the
Great Depression hit the global economy, Armenia had been making
headway in socio-economic terms even if that progress was based solely
on a so-called `construction bubble'. The living standards of many
people in Armenia then were steadily improving. Many had something to
lose, and, therefore, a considerable part of the population did not
support the protests, considering that a change of government would
inevitably lead to reduced welfare.
But the new government that came arguably proved unable to handle the
economy in condition of a global storm, which has resulted in a
considerable part of the population seeing their living standards
falling. With that said, the current protest movement would have been
even stronger had an estimated 255,000 people not left the country
during the past five years in search of livelihood and better justice
abroad.
Indeed, much has changed in the country since 2008. While a decline
has been registered in terms of social and economic conditions, then
one can still talk about progress in terms of freedom of speech and
expression. The development of online social networking, electronic
media, even some liberalization of television channels have created a
situation in which many people are no longer afraid to speak out. At
the same time, Western influence has also increased in Armenia as
Yerevan signed a number of binding agreements with the European Union,
in particular, committing itself to respect democracy. And now
everyone understands that the use of even the slightest force will
boomerang against the authorities that already are in a vulnerable
situation.
The approach chosen by Hovannisian, the opposition leader who claims
victory in last week's presidential election, also excludes violence.
He has declared the start of a `Barevolution', or a revolution of
greetings, in Armenia, that the opposition challenger believes will
result in a peaceful `transfer of power' from President Serzh Sargsyan
`to the people'. The incumbent, who officially polled nearly 59
percent of the vote as opposed to Hovannisian's election tally of
close to 37 percent, has rejected these claims and demands, with his
aides suggesting that Hovannisian should concede defeat and continue
his political struggle as an opposition leader to try to win
presidency in five years' time.
Hovannisian, meanwhile, is himself preparing for a long-term struggle.
He is not going to storm 26 Baghramyan Street, the official seat of
the Armenian president, rather he proposes reforms, and these
non-violent methods deprive the government of the possibility of using
force. In 2008, the matter concerned the change of persons with the
main slogans being `Down with Kocharyan and Sargsyan' (in reference to
the then head of state and president-elect). Moreover, the factor of
`Karabakh natives being in power in Armenia' was being actively played
out back then, fueling people's antagonism in what would eventually
prove to be a bloody standoff.
This time, despite some isolated statements of supporters of the
movement (that quickly get denounced by the leaders) no clear
distinctions are being made between the government and the opposition
based on where there leaders hail from. Moreover, a Karabakh
oppositionist spoke at the opposition rally in Yerevan on Thursday to
advocate change both in Yerevan and Stepanakert.
The protest movement in 2008, of course, has become a good platform
and a lesson for the movement in 2013. The Armenian National Congress,
the force that today unites most of those who spearheaded the protests
five years ago, has not officially joined Hovannisian's movement yet,
even though its leader Levon Ter-Petrosyan publicly declared
Hovannisian to be an elected and legitimate president of Armenia. But
today, on March 1, members of the Congress have joined supporters of
Hovannisian in commemorating the victims of the March 1, 2008
bloodbath hoping that the nation will never see such a tragic event
again.
The rally that Hovannisian plans to hold in Yerevan on Saturday is
expected to provide some answers to where the current post-election
standoff will go after the March 1 watershed.
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress
familiar, yet different
http://armenianow.com/vote_2013/44039/armenia_presidential_election_2013_march1_parallel s
VOTE 2013 | 01.03.13 | 15:24
NAZIK ARMENAKYAN
ArmeniaNow
By NAIRA HAYRUMYAN
ArmeniaNow correspondent
March 1, 2008 will remain in the history of Armenia as a day when in
pursuit of continued power the authorities fired at demonstrators,
killing 10 people. This day is also imprinted in the memory of many
people as a day of terror and intimidation. One would think that
people would be afraid to take to the street again to defend their
right to form government, but the current post-election reality shows
they aren't.
While supporters of various opposition factions as well as numerous
ordinary citizens converged in the area near the statue of Myasnikyan
on Friday to commemorate the victims of the bloody post-election
developments of 2008, questions linger as to whether the current
opposition and government leaders are wise enough to avoid similar
deadly clashes during the ongoing standoff.
Still, February 2013 was different from February 2008 in more ways
than one, and in particular, by the fact that people went out to
protest what they viewed as a fraudulent vote not only in capital
Yerevan, but also in provincial towns and even villages. And this is
probably the main difference between the post-election protests now
and five years ago. In 2008, the non-stop protests were focused mainly
on Liberty Square in Yerevan and it was enough for the authorities to
send troops there and arrest the organizers to quell the protest.
In 2013, despite the presence of the opposition challenger, Raffi
Hovannisian, who claims victory in the February 18 vote, there are
neither clear organizers nor clear pockets of protests in the country
as most parts of Armenia have been engulfed in a rising tide of
discontent, with rallies and student actions and a general idea of
civil disobedience pretty much in the air - something that cannot be
concentrated in one place per se and with which it is difficult to
deal using administrative and strong-arm methods.
The protest movements of 2008 and 2013 also differ in terms of their
platforms. By 2008, i.e. before the biggest financial crisis since the
Great Depression hit the global economy, Armenia had been making
headway in socio-economic terms even if that progress was based solely
on a so-called `construction bubble'. The living standards of many
people in Armenia then were steadily improving. Many had something to
lose, and, therefore, a considerable part of the population did not
support the protests, considering that a change of government would
inevitably lead to reduced welfare.
But the new government that came arguably proved unable to handle the
economy in condition of a global storm, which has resulted in a
considerable part of the population seeing their living standards
falling. With that said, the current protest movement would have been
even stronger had an estimated 255,000 people not left the country
during the past five years in search of livelihood and better justice
abroad.
Indeed, much has changed in the country since 2008. While a decline
has been registered in terms of social and economic conditions, then
one can still talk about progress in terms of freedom of speech and
expression. The development of online social networking, electronic
media, even some liberalization of television channels have created a
situation in which many people are no longer afraid to speak out. At
the same time, Western influence has also increased in Armenia as
Yerevan signed a number of binding agreements with the European Union,
in particular, committing itself to respect democracy. And now
everyone understands that the use of even the slightest force will
boomerang against the authorities that already are in a vulnerable
situation.
The approach chosen by Hovannisian, the opposition leader who claims
victory in last week's presidential election, also excludes violence.
He has declared the start of a `Barevolution', or a revolution of
greetings, in Armenia, that the opposition challenger believes will
result in a peaceful `transfer of power' from President Serzh Sargsyan
`to the people'. The incumbent, who officially polled nearly 59
percent of the vote as opposed to Hovannisian's election tally of
close to 37 percent, has rejected these claims and demands, with his
aides suggesting that Hovannisian should concede defeat and continue
his political struggle as an opposition leader to try to win
presidency in five years' time.
Hovannisian, meanwhile, is himself preparing for a long-term struggle.
He is not going to storm 26 Baghramyan Street, the official seat of
the Armenian president, rather he proposes reforms, and these
non-violent methods deprive the government of the possibility of using
force. In 2008, the matter concerned the change of persons with the
main slogans being `Down with Kocharyan and Sargsyan' (in reference to
the then head of state and president-elect). Moreover, the factor of
`Karabakh natives being in power in Armenia' was being actively played
out back then, fueling people's antagonism in what would eventually
prove to be a bloody standoff.
This time, despite some isolated statements of supporters of the
movement (that quickly get denounced by the leaders) no clear
distinctions are being made between the government and the opposition
based on where there leaders hail from. Moreover, a Karabakh
oppositionist spoke at the opposition rally in Yerevan on Thursday to
advocate change both in Yerevan and Stepanakert.
The protest movement in 2008, of course, has become a good platform
and a lesson for the movement in 2013. The Armenian National Congress,
the force that today unites most of those who spearheaded the protests
five years ago, has not officially joined Hovannisian's movement yet,
even though its leader Levon Ter-Petrosyan publicly declared
Hovannisian to be an elected and legitimate president of Armenia. But
today, on March 1, members of the Congress have joined supporters of
Hovannisian in commemorating the victims of the March 1, 2008
bloodbath hoping that the nation will never see such a tragic event
again.
The rally that Hovannisian plans to hold in Yerevan on Saturday is
expected to provide some answers to where the current post-election
standoff will go after the March 1 watershed.
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress