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In Arms in a Forgotten War

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  • In Arms in a Forgotten War

    Independent European Daily Express, UK
    March 4 2013


    In Arms in a Forgotten War

    Monday, March 4, 2013 - 10:44Inter Press Service

    STEPANAKERT (Nagorno-Karabakh Republic, Caucasus), Mar 04 (IPS) - A
    Soviet-era 4x4 snores down the muddy road to the frontline. It's
    another foggy day in the flatlands east of the borders of the tiny and
    once autonomous region Nagorno-Karabakh, sandwiched between Armenia
    and Azerbaijan.

    The capital, Stepanakert (population 50,000), is 30 kilometres west.
    Azerbaijan capital Baku is 400 km east and Armenian capital Yerevan
    350 km west. The region is populated by Armenians.

    Agdam town here is in ruins. Once home to 30,000 people, it was minced
    in the conflict between Armenians and Azeris in days of the Soviet
    Union. In 1936 dictator Joseph Stalin gave the region to Azerbaijan
    republic of then Soviet Union. Following its break-up, people in the
    region demanded greater autonomy from Azerbaijan. At the time,
    Armenians were 75 percent of the 190,000 population living in the
    11,500 square kilometres region, deep in the Caucasus range, 2,400 km
    south of Moscow.

    They accused Baku of `Azerization', and wanted to join the newly
    independent Armenia. When eventually they proclaimed an independent
    Nagorno-Kharabakh Republic (NKR), Azerbaijan sent in its tanks.

    Between 1992 and 1993, 70 percent of NKR was conquered by Azeri
    forces. Armenians counter-attacked, retook almost all the lost ground,
    pushed on, and cut into Azeri territory a buffer zone a few kilometres
    deep. Azeris kept control of a small northern province.

    The war cost 30,000 lives and led to a million refugees, almost
    equally divided between the two sides. The war officially never ended
    and the armies are still there, on the same 1994 ceasefire line.

    `No photos here, please,' the lieutenant from the NKR Defence Force,
    as the army is officially called, tells us on our way to the ceasefire
    line. He salutes his commanding officer, Lieutenant Colonel Arzvik, a
    solidly built 45-year-old man with green eyes, two gold teeth and a
    hunting rifle.

    `You're lucky. With today's fog, there won't be any snipers,' says
    Arzvik. `Yesterday our soldiers got shot twice but our adversary
    missed the mark. No snipers today, but keep your head down anyway.'

    He points to a road ahead. `This leads to Baku. But we stay here as we
    have for the last 19 years, since the ceasefire. We are not interested
    in conquering Azeri land. We'll keep our positions as long as
    necessary and not one day more.'

    The trenches remind one of those in World War I: mud walls covered
    with chunks of cement, and a small concrete post where soldiers sleep
    after their night sentry duty. Ak-47s and other weapons stand in one
    corner, next to a stove with a kettle. Wires with empty cans tied to
    them run along the outer perimeter. `If they come, we hear them,' says
    Arzvik. `We have more modern devices, but these are actually very
    effective.'

    `Conscripts stay in the army two years,' Arzvik says. `But if we are
    attacked, everyone in NKR will take up arms. Just like we did in
    1991.'

    The soldiers, barely out of their teens, seem efficient: guns cleaned,
    ammunition ready, warm winter uniforms and new boots. It is clear that
    most of them would rather be looking for a job or studying. They are
    the first generation of a republic of 150,000 citizens, with its own
    parliament, president, visas and ministries - that no one has
    recognised.

    The economy relies on Armenian diaspora money, without any foreign
    direct investment or aid. The only way in and out is a mountain road
    thru Armenia along the Tamerlan Pass, 2,500 metres high. Local
    authorities want to reopen the only airport in the region on the
    outskirts of Stepanakert, closed since 1992. But Azerbaijan has
    threatened to shoot down any plane landing in NKR.

    A lot of workers move to Armenia to find better wages. The local
    average monthly wage is around 200 dollars.

    International NGOs are all but absent, with the exception of The Halo
    Trust, a British NGO engaged in demining. Since the end of the war in
    1994, more than 350 people have been killed or injured by mines or
    cluster munitions. The Halo Trust estimates it will take another five
    years to complete clearing operations. In the last two years, its
    local staff has been reduced by half, from 280 to 140 people.

    Peace-building attempts by the Minsk Group, a diplomatic task force
    created in 1992 by The Organisation for Security and Cooperation in
    Europe (OSCE) co-chaired by the U.S., France and Russia stalled in
    2011. Russian president then and now Prime Minister Dimitri Medvedev
    brokered a meeting between Azerbaijan President Ilham Aliyev and
    Armenian President Serzh Sargsyan in Kazan in Russia. The summit
    failed, prompting a further round of cross-blame.

    Stranded in a political limbo, people from NKR are rebuilding capital
    Stepanakert and their villages in the mountains, where the scars of
    war are still deep. In the confrontation between the two battling
    neighbours, they have neither the advantages of the quickly
    transforming EU-oriented Armenian economy, nor the benefits of the oil
    bonanza of Azerbaijan.

    The conflict has become irrelevant to the world. When it started at
    the end of the 1980s, it was used and watched as a detonator for
    Soviet collapse. The U.S. Congress in 1989 and the EU Parliament in
    1993 approved resolutions supporting Nagorno-Karabakh people's right
    to self-determination. Once the Soviet Union fell apart, few gave a
    thought to these people.

    This could be a crucial year. On Feb. 18 Armenians re-elected Serzh
    Sargsyan as president of their republic of 3.5 million citizens, with
    some doubts over the fairness of the electoral process. He wants to
    settle the issue by `creative' confidence building steps.

    Baku, meanwhile, is using its oil wealth to court international
    support for its claims. Aliyev, facing elections in October this year,
    could be tempted by national pride card to harness more support from
    an increasingly dissatisfied 10 million citizens. This could translate
    into a more offensive attitude on the Azeri side of the frozen
    frontline manned by Arzvik and his young soldiers.

    http://www.iede.co.uk/news/2013_1164/arms-forgotten-war

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