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KURDISH INDEPENDENCE: NEGOTIATIONS WITH TURKEY ARE A DEAD END
REUTERS
Last week, imprisoned Kurdish leader Abdullah Ocalan called for a
ceasefire, lending momentum to the Turkish-Kurdish peace process. But
negotiating with Turkey will not satisfy the Kurds' burning need for
political self-determination. An Essay by Bejan Matur
How do we go forward? How realistic is imprisoned Kurdish leader
Abdullah Ocalan's dream of a ceasefire between Kurds and Turks, the
withdrawal of all armed forces and a joint future in a new, democratic
republic? If the rights of the Kurds and their status as equal citizens
of this country are recognized, the problem is solved, isn't it?
ANZEIGE
I think it won't be that easy to make this dream come true. Indeed,
the Kurdish question goes beyond cultural rights and civic equality.
We Kurds entered the stage of history as a belated people. This
conflict primarily has to do with the birth of a nation -- with the
fundamental yearning to belong to a certain geographical region, where
one was born, and the desire for political self-determination. One
cannot understand the Kurdish question without understanding these
aspirations.
The banned Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) arose from the longing to
take possession of this region, and from the desire to determine its
inherent nature and geography. Although it internationally defines
itself according to a Marxist-socialist ideology, the PKK has always
been an organization in search of its own roots. Thus, political
self-determination is both a historic and an existential necessity.
A Radical Kurdish Awareness
The PKK has good reasons to negotiate with the Turkish state over the
coming weeks and months. Violence has lost its purpose, and political
action seems more sensible. But these pragmatic reasons cannot satisfy
the deep need of the Kurdish people to achieve a concrete framework for
the long-sought control of their region. This is also the case with
other belated nations in contemporary Europe. Scotland and Catalonia
only wanted to secede from their superordinate government federations
after these states took their place under the larger umbrella of the
European Union.
If we assume that the Kurds actually wanted to join forces with
other peoples of the Middle East to form a democratic union of
Anatolia-Mesopotamia with open borders, as Ocalan apparently envisions,
could the Turks accept this?
Today, even assimilated Kurds show a radical Kurdish awareness. And
it is precisely this heightened self-confidence that is the actual
problem for the Turks. After all, these days hardly any of them still
has objections to the Kurds speaking their own language and enjoying
equal rights.
But it is another story altogether when it comes to controlling
a region. The majority of Turks still strictly reject the Kurdish
demand for a special status.
Unequal Footing
That's why I don't think that we can talk about genuine negotiations
between the Turkish state and the Kurdish PKK: There is no framework
for negotiations, no direct counterparts and no guarantor powers. It
appears that after fighting its largest minority for 30 years, the
Turkish state still has problems perceiving the Kurdish people as an
independent subject. As a result, the government repeatedly strives
to make progress by sidestepping the main issues.
There is no other explanation for why they pursue the negotiations
via the media and the Kurdish Peace and Democracy Party (BDP), which
is represented in the national parliament in Ankara. The BDP cannot
negotiate on an equal footing and is only the bearer of messages from
the Turkish side.
During the current phase, the negotiations on the Kurdish question
require, as with all conflicts, a third, mediating force. Without
this, there can be no fundamental solution. It is therefore time to
remember the close ties between Turkey and Europe. This friendship
could now be tested during the negotiating process with the Kurds.
Kurdish poet and author Bejan Matur, 44, has received numerous awards
in Turkey for her work. She lives in Istanbul .
Translated from the German by Paul Cohen
http://www.spiegel.de/international/europe/turkish-kurdish-ceasefire-negotiations-are-dead-end-a-890862.html
REUTERS
Last week, imprisoned Kurdish leader Abdullah Ocalan called for a
ceasefire, lending momentum to the Turkish-Kurdish peace process. But
negotiating with Turkey will not satisfy the Kurds' burning need for
political self-determination. An Essay by Bejan Matur
How do we go forward? How realistic is imprisoned Kurdish leader
Abdullah Ocalan's dream of a ceasefire between Kurds and Turks, the
withdrawal of all armed forces and a joint future in a new, democratic
republic? If the rights of the Kurds and their status as equal citizens
of this country are recognized, the problem is solved, isn't it?
ANZEIGE
I think it won't be that easy to make this dream come true. Indeed,
the Kurdish question goes beyond cultural rights and civic equality.
We Kurds entered the stage of history as a belated people. This
conflict primarily has to do with the birth of a nation -- with the
fundamental yearning to belong to a certain geographical region, where
one was born, and the desire for political self-determination. One
cannot understand the Kurdish question without understanding these
aspirations.
The banned Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) arose from the longing to
take possession of this region, and from the desire to determine its
inherent nature and geography. Although it internationally defines
itself according to a Marxist-socialist ideology, the PKK has always
been an organization in search of its own roots. Thus, political
self-determination is both a historic and an existential necessity.
A Radical Kurdish Awareness
The PKK has good reasons to negotiate with the Turkish state over the
coming weeks and months. Violence has lost its purpose, and political
action seems more sensible. But these pragmatic reasons cannot satisfy
the deep need of the Kurdish people to achieve a concrete framework for
the long-sought control of their region. This is also the case with
other belated nations in contemporary Europe. Scotland and Catalonia
only wanted to secede from their superordinate government federations
after these states took their place under the larger umbrella of the
European Union.
If we assume that the Kurds actually wanted to join forces with
other peoples of the Middle East to form a democratic union of
Anatolia-Mesopotamia with open borders, as Ocalan apparently envisions,
could the Turks accept this?
Today, even assimilated Kurds show a radical Kurdish awareness. And
it is precisely this heightened self-confidence that is the actual
problem for the Turks. After all, these days hardly any of them still
has objections to the Kurds speaking their own language and enjoying
equal rights.
But it is another story altogether when it comes to controlling
a region. The majority of Turks still strictly reject the Kurdish
demand for a special status.
Unequal Footing
That's why I don't think that we can talk about genuine negotiations
between the Turkish state and the Kurdish PKK: There is no framework
for negotiations, no direct counterparts and no guarantor powers. It
appears that after fighting its largest minority for 30 years, the
Turkish state still has problems perceiving the Kurdish people as an
independent subject. As a result, the government repeatedly strives
to make progress by sidestepping the main issues.
There is no other explanation for why they pursue the negotiations
via the media and the Kurdish Peace and Democracy Party (BDP), which
is represented in the national parliament in Ankara. The BDP cannot
negotiate on an equal footing and is only the bearer of messages from
the Turkish side.
During the current phase, the negotiations on the Kurdish question
require, as with all conflicts, a third, mediating force. Without
this, there can be no fundamental solution. It is therefore time to
remember the close ties between Turkey and Europe. This friendship
could now be tested during the negotiating process with the Kurds.
Kurdish poet and author Bejan Matur, 44, has received numerous awards
in Turkey for her work. She lives in Istanbul .
Translated from the German by Paul Cohen
http://www.spiegel.de/international/europe/turkish-kurdish-ceasefire-negotiations-are-dead-end-a-890862.html