Tweet
It's a Nice Place to Visit, But I Wouldn't Want to Be a Reporter There
How did Turkey become the world's leading jailer of journalists?
BY CHRISTOPHE DELOIRE, JOEL SIMON | MAY 15, 2013
President Barack Obama has consistently lavished praise on Recep
Tayyip Erdogan, describing the Turkish prime minister as an
"outstanding partner and an outstanding friend" and lauding his "great
leadership" in promoting democracy in the Middle East. Erdogan has
even won plaudits from the U.S. president for his "courageous steps"
toward normalizing Turkish-Armenian relations and toward integrating
minorities into the democratic process.
But when Erdogan visits Washington on May 16, Obama needs to deliver a
different message: Turkey's failure to address its press freedom
crisis is undermining the country strategic relationship with the
United States and hindering its regional aspirations.
Turkey's record on press freedom is deeply troubling. With 47
journalists imprisoned for their work, the country is the world's
leading jailer of journalists -- ahead of Iran and China. Most of
those imprisoned were employed by media outlets that support Kurdish
autonomy; others are accused of supporting an ultra-nationalist
conspiracy to topple the government. Thousands more journalists are
battling punitive lawsuits for reporting on a wide range of sensitive
issues, exposing corruption or simply criticizing the ruling Justice
and Development Party (AKP).
Erdogan has continuously lashed out at the media, forcing top
reporters and editors from their jobs. After columnist and television
host Nuray Mert challenged the government's treatment of the Kurdish
minority, for example, Erdogan implied that she was a traitor,
prompting her politically sensitive employers to canceled her
television show and newspaper column. A similar fate befell Hasan
Cemal, a columnist at the daily Milliyet, after he published the
minutes from a secret government meeting with jailed Kurdistan Workers
Party (PKK) leader Abdullah Ocalan.
Despite regular promises that reform is just over the horizon, Erdogan
appears to believe in the necessity of his heavy-handed tactics. When
U.S. Ambassador Francis J. Ricciardone Jr. expressed concern about
Turkey's press freedom record, for example, Erdogan dismissed the
35-year veteran of the U.S. Foreign Service as a "rookie." In response
to our defense of Turkish journalists, Erdogan has accused Reporters
Without Borders and the Committee to Protect Journalists of
"supporting terrorism."
Obama is right to recognize the strategic importance of Turkey's
relationship with the United States. Turkey is a NATO member and an
economic engine for the Middle East. It is also a key partner in
addressing the conflict in Syria, as well as the nuclear standoff with
Iran. But Turkey's strategic value also depends on its appeal as a
model -- a moderate Muslim democracy that has managed to cultivate
deep trade ties with Europe -- for the newly democratizing states of
the Middle East. Turkey's poor record on press freedom undermines its
credibility as a model and blunts its soft power.
It also works against Turkey's own diplomatic ambitions. Erdogan's
push to join the European Union, for example, has stalled for a
variety of reasons, including Europe's economic downturn, resistance
by member states to further EU expansion, and an unfortunate
anti-Muslim bent within some European political circles. But a key
stumbling block is also Turkey's record on press freedom, which has
been the focus of hearings in the European Parliament and critical
reports from the European Commission.
Addressing Turkey's press freedom deficit is also critical for ending
the country's three decade-long conflict with the PKK, which has waged
a brutal campaign for Kurdish autonomy. In order for the current
negotiations to succeed, Turkey must make space for the country's
Kurdish minority to express its grievances fully and publicly. While
the Kurdish media in Turkey is vibrant, it is also under constant
assault -- the victim of frequent police raids, prosecutions, and
politically motivated arrests. In 2011, for example, authorities
arrested nine journalists at the pro-Kurdish daily Özgür Gündem for
alleged links to the PKK, but furnished no evidence other than the
journalists' own work.
These concerns should be front and center during Obama's meeting with
Erdogan this week. The U.S. president should also express concern
about the way Turkey's terror laws are being used to suppress the
media. A majority of the journalists currently in jail in Turkey are
being prosecuted under the country's sweeping anti-terror law, passed
in 1991 and updated in 2006 under Erdogan. Most have not been
convicted of crimes, but are still being held for extended periods in
pre-trial detention.
While Obama and European leaders -- including German Chancellor Angela
Merkel and French President Francois Hollande -- should continue to
push for reform, a renewed commitment in Turkey to press freedom,
human rights, and democracy will ultimately hinge on Ankara's
appraisal of its own interests.
In fact, Turkey's move toward democracy in the last two decades has
been as much the result of its own civil society's mobilization as a
desire to appease Western critics. Journalists, press freedom
advocates, progressive lawyers, and free-thinking academics have taken
risks and pushed for reform because they see a bright future for
Turkey -- one that is built on a commitment to democracy and human
rights.
In the coming years, Turkey is bound to play a more active role in the
global economy and on the international stage. The strengthening of
democracy and respect for human rights should be seen in Ankara as
assets, not liabilities. Authoritarian tendencies will only reduce
Turkey's attractiveness and harm its hard-power interests.
Obama must drive this point home in his meeting with the Turkish prime
minister. While Erdogan will certainly give his good friend Obama a
fair hearing, it is unlikely that he'll give in to outside pressure.
If Turkey's reforms are to be real and lasting, the country's
leadership must perceive them to be in the national interest.
STRINGER/AFP/Getty Images
SUBJECTS: HUMAN RIGHTS, MEDIA, TURKEY, DEMOCRACY, BARACK OBAMA, MIDDLE EAST
Christophe Deloire is director general of Reporters Without Borders.
Joel Simon is executive director of the Committee to Protect
Journalists.
http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2013/05/15/turkey_worst_place_to_be_journalist?page=full
How did Turkey become the world's leading jailer of journalists?
BY CHRISTOPHE DELOIRE, JOEL SIMON | MAY 15, 2013
President Barack Obama has consistently lavished praise on Recep
Tayyip Erdogan, describing the Turkish prime minister as an
"outstanding partner and an outstanding friend" and lauding his "great
leadership" in promoting democracy in the Middle East. Erdogan has
even won plaudits from the U.S. president for his "courageous steps"
toward normalizing Turkish-Armenian relations and toward integrating
minorities into the democratic process.
But when Erdogan visits Washington on May 16, Obama needs to deliver a
different message: Turkey's failure to address its press freedom
crisis is undermining the country strategic relationship with the
United States and hindering its regional aspirations.
Turkey's record on press freedom is deeply troubling. With 47
journalists imprisoned for their work, the country is the world's
leading jailer of journalists -- ahead of Iran and China. Most of
those imprisoned were employed by media outlets that support Kurdish
autonomy; others are accused of supporting an ultra-nationalist
conspiracy to topple the government. Thousands more journalists are
battling punitive lawsuits for reporting on a wide range of sensitive
issues, exposing corruption or simply criticizing the ruling Justice
and Development Party (AKP).
Erdogan has continuously lashed out at the media, forcing top
reporters and editors from their jobs. After columnist and television
host Nuray Mert challenged the government's treatment of the Kurdish
minority, for example, Erdogan implied that she was a traitor,
prompting her politically sensitive employers to canceled her
television show and newspaper column. A similar fate befell Hasan
Cemal, a columnist at the daily Milliyet, after he published the
minutes from a secret government meeting with jailed Kurdistan Workers
Party (PKK) leader Abdullah Ocalan.
Despite regular promises that reform is just over the horizon, Erdogan
appears to believe in the necessity of his heavy-handed tactics. When
U.S. Ambassador Francis J. Ricciardone Jr. expressed concern about
Turkey's press freedom record, for example, Erdogan dismissed the
35-year veteran of the U.S. Foreign Service as a "rookie." In response
to our defense of Turkish journalists, Erdogan has accused Reporters
Without Borders and the Committee to Protect Journalists of
"supporting terrorism."
Obama is right to recognize the strategic importance of Turkey's
relationship with the United States. Turkey is a NATO member and an
economic engine for the Middle East. It is also a key partner in
addressing the conflict in Syria, as well as the nuclear standoff with
Iran. But Turkey's strategic value also depends on its appeal as a
model -- a moderate Muslim democracy that has managed to cultivate
deep trade ties with Europe -- for the newly democratizing states of
the Middle East. Turkey's poor record on press freedom undermines its
credibility as a model and blunts its soft power.
It also works against Turkey's own diplomatic ambitions. Erdogan's
push to join the European Union, for example, has stalled for a
variety of reasons, including Europe's economic downturn, resistance
by member states to further EU expansion, and an unfortunate
anti-Muslim bent within some European political circles. But a key
stumbling block is also Turkey's record on press freedom, which has
been the focus of hearings in the European Parliament and critical
reports from the European Commission.
Addressing Turkey's press freedom deficit is also critical for ending
the country's three decade-long conflict with the PKK, which has waged
a brutal campaign for Kurdish autonomy. In order for the current
negotiations to succeed, Turkey must make space for the country's
Kurdish minority to express its grievances fully and publicly. While
the Kurdish media in Turkey is vibrant, it is also under constant
assault -- the victim of frequent police raids, prosecutions, and
politically motivated arrests. In 2011, for example, authorities
arrested nine journalists at the pro-Kurdish daily Özgür Gündem for
alleged links to the PKK, but furnished no evidence other than the
journalists' own work.
These concerns should be front and center during Obama's meeting with
Erdogan this week. The U.S. president should also express concern
about the way Turkey's terror laws are being used to suppress the
media. A majority of the journalists currently in jail in Turkey are
being prosecuted under the country's sweeping anti-terror law, passed
in 1991 and updated in 2006 under Erdogan. Most have not been
convicted of crimes, but are still being held for extended periods in
pre-trial detention.
While Obama and European leaders -- including German Chancellor Angela
Merkel and French President Francois Hollande -- should continue to
push for reform, a renewed commitment in Turkey to press freedom,
human rights, and democracy will ultimately hinge on Ankara's
appraisal of its own interests.
In fact, Turkey's move toward democracy in the last two decades has
been as much the result of its own civil society's mobilization as a
desire to appease Western critics. Journalists, press freedom
advocates, progressive lawyers, and free-thinking academics have taken
risks and pushed for reform because they see a bright future for
Turkey -- one that is built on a commitment to democracy and human
rights.
In the coming years, Turkey is bound to play a more active role in the
global economy and on the international stage. The strengthening of
democracy and respect for human rights should be seen in Ankara as
assets, not liabilities. Authoritarian tendencies will only reduce
Turkey's attractiveness and harm its hard-power interests.
Obama must drive this point home in his meeting with the Turkish prime
minister. While Erdogan will certainly give his good friend Obama a
fair hearing, it is unlikely that he'll give in to outside pressure.
If Turkey's reforms are to be real and lasting, the country's
leadership must perceive them to be in the national interest.
STRINGER/AFP/Getty Images
SUBJECTS: HUMAN RIGHTS, MEDIA, TURKEY, DEMOCRACY, BARACK OBAMA, MIDDLE EAST
Christophe Deloire is director general of Reporters Without Borders.
Joel Simon is executive director of the Committee to Protect
Journalists.
http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2013/05/15/turkey_worst_place_to_be_journalist?page=full