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The `People Trust' vs. the `Brain Trust'
http://asbarez.com/110192/the-%E2%80%98people-trust%E2%80%99-vs-the-%E2%80%98brain-trust%E2%80%99/
Tuesday, May 21st, 2013
BY MARIA TITIZIAN
In 1932, writer James Kieran used the term Brain Trust in the `New
York Times' when referring to the close group of experts that
surrounded United States presidential candidate Franklin Roosevelt.
Today it is widely regarded as a group of official or unofficial
advisers concerned primarily with planning and strategy especially for
a government.
Many years ago I was part of the Women's Coalition of Armenia (WCA)
composed of women from different political parties and civil society
organizations. The WCA didn't have a proper office, so we would meet
at different locations hosted by one of the women from our
organization. I remember vividly a particular meeting, which was being
held at the offices of a now-defunct opposition party. When I walked
in to their office, the leader of that party was sitting with a
colleague poring over sheets of papers scattered all over the desk. He
looked up when I walked in and said, `Maria, come here. You're from
abroad, I want your perspective on this particular sentence.' It was
2007, a few months before the parliamentary elections and he was
drafting their party's campaign platform.
I don't remember the exact wording of the sentence but it went
something like, `It's shameful to be rich in a poor country...' I
didn't particularly agree with the sentiment at the time and I told
him that if people were honest and hard working, well educated, and
focused, and if they were able to acquire a standard of living that
could be considered upper middle class or even wealthy despite the
economic hardships of the country, why would you want to punish them
or make them feel ashamed for reaping the benefits of their hard work?
He reflected on my statement for a few seconds and said, `Yes, yes,
you're right.' He turned to his colleague and said, `Remove that
sentence.'
Today, years later, I am left wondering if there was some truth to his words.
In the span of one year, citizens of Armenia went to the polls three
times. It began with the parliamentary elections in May 2012, followed
by the presidential election of February, 2013 and we capped the year
off with the election of the Council of Elders and Mayor of Yerevan on
May 5. It was a year that was fraught with uncertainty, indifference,
drama, hope and disappointment. As a result, today we have a regime
that is wholly controlled by one political party, the Republican Party
of Armenia (RPA), one which has all the levers of power firmly cusped
in its hands with no further worries of elections for the next four
years.
To believe that they will utilize this time period to initiate
significant reforms, or to address the discontent of the people, or to
make a sincere effort to raise the standard of living in our country
is nothing short of naïve. After all, they won three major elections
in close succession with a clear majority, at least according to
Armenia's Central Electoral Commission and have received the stamp of
approval from their strategic partners from around the world.
They will most likely rest on their laurels and continue to enjoy
their unrestricted ability to govern at their will and amass more
personal wealth while almost 40 percent of the population lives in
poverty. For the RPA therefore, the next four years will be a period
of relative calm, or will it?
That depends on us.
It is true; there are no more elections for four years. What can we
the people do in the absence of clear leadership from the
establishment and other political forces in order to systematically
raise issues that are crippling our nation's development and offer
potential solutions?
A series of events over the past ten days has reinstated some of my
dwindling hope for the future. These events, if not addressed will
lead to an ungovernable situation for the government, I would even
argue for other political forces. Citizens of Armenia are beginning to
take the disintegrating situation of their existence in their own
hands, the results of which might lead to something no one was
predicting. We are witnessing spontaneous outbursts of severe
dissatisfaction, albeit limited in scope, by ordinary people around
social issues, something that would have been unthinkable a decade ago
or five years ago or even a year ago.
Residents of the village of Marts in Lori marz hurled huge water pipes
into a gorge to fight against a proposed hydro-electric power plant in
their village, which will threaten their water supply and the
surrounding environment. Residents of another village in Aragatsotn
marz, Byurakan blocked a stretch of the Yerevan - Gyumri highway to
protest the construction of yet another hydro-electric power plant on
the Amberd River; they were joined by the villagers of Ujan in a sign
of solidarity. A group of farmers whose crops were decimated by
hailstorms in Armavir marz blocked another portion of a major highway
to protest the government's inaction to compensate their losses - the
very livelihood of these farmers has been wiped out. A group of
citizens staged a protest in front of the government building a few
days ago to demand the government stop a proposed 64% hike in natural
gas prices submitted by the country's sole gas supplier, ArmRusGasProm
to the Public Services Regulatory Commission, which will likely lead
to price hikes in electricity charges. Another village was up in arms
when one of its children, conscript Luyks Stepanyan was killed by a
fellow soldier in the Armed Forces while on active duty. The family of
Luyks had threatened to bring his body to Yerevan as a sign of protest
at the unspeakable crime. The family and members of their village were
stopped on the highway from Lake Sevan to Yerevan by the Minister of
Defense Seyran Ohanyan, the Chief of Police Vladimir Gasparyan and
other officials and convinced to return to their village to bury their
dead son while hundreds of people protested another army death during
peacetime in front of the government building.
All of these protests were carried out by ordinary people who have
been abandoned by the government, by the political elite, by the
so-called intellectuals of Armenia and by all of us who don't want to
hear about their problems.
Clearly the `Brain Trust' of this regime, if we could consider them to
be defined as such, living and working in their privileged offices,
comfortably far removed from the realities they are responsible for
creating and which are breaking the backs of their own people, have
lost their decency, their humanity and their sense of purpose. They
don't realize the abyss of hopelessness from which our people are
trying to crawl out of. When a family is so utterly desperate for
justice that it is willing to drive their dead son's body in a van
from Kavar to Yerevan, to place his death before the feet of the
government, it is a symbol of indescribable rage.
While the `Brain Trust' is bankrupt, making feeble attempts to address
the rising voice of dissatisfaction, actions and directives by the
common man and woman are planting the seeds for what we might be able
to consider the People Trust. This new configuration, absent of
leadership for now, will hopefully awaken the opposition from its
calamitous disorganization, competing egos, lack of vision and
uselessness to rise up to the challenge of consolidating the people's
power and helping to bring about deep, structural reforms.
The People Trust will take over from the existing `Brain Trust' only
when we join forces with the ordinary man and woman. I hope one day
soon to be able to write that the People Trust has won.
http://asbarez.com/110192/the-%E2%80%98people-trust%E2%80%99-vs-the-%E2%80%98brain-trust%E2%80%99/
Tuesday, May 21st, 2013
BY MARIA TITIZIAN
In 1932, writer James Kieran used the term Brain Trust in the `New
York Times' when referring to the close group of experts that
surrounded United States presidential candidate Franklin Roosevelt.
Today it is widely regarded as a group of official or unofficial
advisers concerned primarily with planning and strategy especially for
a government.
Many years ago I was part of the Women's Coalition of Armenia (WCA)
composed of women from different political parties and civil society
organizations. The WCA didn't have a proper office, so we would meet
at different locations hosted by one of the women from our
organization. I remember vividly a particular meeting, which was being
held at the offices of a now-defunct opposition party. When I walked
in to their office, the leader of that party was sitting with a
colleague poring over sheets of papers scattered all over the desk. He
looked up when I walked in and said, `Maria, come here. You're from
abroad, I want your perspective on this particular sentence.' It was
2007, a few months before the parliamentary elections and he was
drafting their party's campaign platform.
I don't remember the exact wording of the sentence but it went
something like, `It's shameful to be rich in a poor country...' I
didn't particularly agree with the sentiment at the time and I told
him that if people were honest and hard working, well educated, and
focused, and if they were able to acquire a standard of living that
could be considered upper middle class or even wealthy despite the
economic hardships of the country, why would you want to punish them
or make them feel ashamed for reaping the benefits of their hard work?
He reflected on my statement for a few seconds and said, `Yes, yes,
you're right.' He turned to his colleague and said, `Remove that
sentence.'
Today, years later, I am left wondering if there was some truth to his words.
In the span of one year, citizens of Armenia went to the polls three
times. It began with the parliamentary elections in May 2012, followed
by the presidential election of February, 2013 and we capped the year
off with the election of the Council of Elders and Mayor of Yerevan on
May 5. It was a year that was fraught with uncertainty, indifference,
drama, hope and disappointment. As a result, today we have a regime
that is wholly controlled by one political party, the Republican Party
of Armenia (RPA), one which has all the levers of power firmly cusped
in its hands with no further worries of elections for the next four
years.
To believe that they will utilize this time period to initiate
significant reforms, or to address the discontent of the people, or to
make a sincere effort to raise the standard of living in our country
is nothing short of naïve. After all, they won three major elections
in close succession with a clear majority, at least according to
Armenia's Central Electoral Commission and have received the stamp of
approval from their strategic partners from around the world.
They will most likely rest on their laurels and continue to enjoy
their unrestricted ability to govern at their will and amass more
personal wealth while almost 40 percent of the population lives in
poverty. For the RPA therefore, the next four years will be a period
of relative calm, or will it?
That depends on us.
It is true; there are no more elections for four years. What can we
the people do in the absence of clear leadership from the
establishment and other political forces in order to systematically
raise issues that are crippling our nation's development and offer
potential solutions?
A series of events over the past ten days has reinstated some of my
dwindling hope for the future. These events, if not addressed will
lead to an ungovernable situation for the government, I would even
argue for other political forces. Citizens of Armenia are beginning to
take the disintegrating situation of their existence in their own
hands, the results of which might lead to something no one was
predicting. We are witnessing spontaneous outbursts of severe
dissatisfaction, albeit limited in scope, by ordinary people around
social issues, something that would have been unthinkable a decade ago
or five years ago or even a year ago.
Residents of the village of Marts in Lori marz hurled huge water pipes
into a gorge to fight against a proposed hydro-electric power plant in
their village, which will threaten their water supply and the
surrounding environment. Residents of another village in Aragatsotn
marz, Byurakan blocked a stretch of the Yerevan - Gyumri highway to
protest the construction of yet another hydro-electric power plant on
the Amberd River; they were joined by the villagers of Ujan in a sign
of solidarity. A group of farmers whose crops were decimated by
hailstorms in Armavir marz blocked another portion of a major highway
to protest the government's inaction to compensate their losses - the
very livelihood of these farmers has been wiped out. A group of
citizens staged a protest in front of the government building a few
days ago to demand the government stop a proposed 64% hike in natural
gas prices submitted by the country's sole gas supplier, ArmRusGasProm
to the Public Services Regulatory Commission, which will likely lead
to price hikes in electricity charges. Another village was up in arms
when one of its children, conscript Luyks Stepanyan was killed by a
fellow soldier in the Armed Forces while on active duty. The family of
Luyks had threatened to bring his body to Yerevan as a sign of protest
at the unspeakable crime. The family and members of their village were
stopped on the highway from Lake Sevan to Yerevan by the Minister of
Defense Seyran Ohanyan, the Chief of Police Vladimir Gasparyan and
other officials and convinced to return to their village to bury their
dead son while hundreds of people protested another army death during
peacetime in front of the government building.
All of these protests were carried out by ordinary people who have
been abandoned by the government, by the political elite, by the
so-called intellectuals of Armenia and by all of us who don't want to
hear about their problems.
Clearly the `Brain Trust' of this regime, if we could consider them to
be defined as such, living and working in their privileged offices,
comfortably far removed from the realities they are responsible for
creating and which are breaking the backs of their own people, have
lost their decency, their humanity and their sense of purpose. They
don't realize the abyss of hopelessness from which our people are
trying to crawl out of. When a family is so utterly desperate for
justice that it is willing to drive their dead son's body in a van
from Kavar to Yerevan, to place his death before the feet of the
government, it is a symbol of indescribable rage.
While the `Brain Trust' is bankrupt, making feeble attempts to address
the rising voice of dissatisfaction, actions and directives by the
common man and woman are planting the seeds for what we might be able
to consider the People Trust. This new configuration, absent of
leadership for now, will hopefully awaken the opposition from its
calamitous disorganization, competing egos, lack of vision and
uselessness to rise up to the challenge of consolidating the people's
power and helping to bring about deep, structural reforms.
The People Trust will take over from the existing `Brain Trust' only
when we join forces with the ordinary man and woman. I hope one day
soon to be able to write that the People Trust has won.