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Q&A: Georgia presidential election

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  • Q&A: Georgia presidential election

    Q&A: Georgia presidential election

    24 October 2013 Last updated at 19:18 GMT


    Political tensions have often spilled onto Georgia's streets

    Georgians vote on Sunday to elect a successor to strongly pro-Western
    President Mikheil Saakashvili, who is stepping down after 10 years in
    power.

    The frontrunner is a close ally of Prime Minister Bidzina Ivanishvili,
    Mr Saakashvili's bitter rival, while the candidate of the incumbent
    president's party is polling a distant second.

    Mr Ivanishvili's win in the parliamentary elections last year ushered
    in the former Soviet republic's first legal transfer of power. He
    himself intends to resign within weeks of this vote and leave public
    office.

    What is at stake?

    In theory at least, less than last time. Under constitutional
    amendments passed at Mr Saakashvili's initiative in 2010, much of the
    presidency's executive powers will be transferred to the prime
    minister.

    The president will formally remain head of state and
    commander-in-chief of the military, however.

    The changes will go into effect after the new president is inaugurated.

    Mr Saakashvili already voluntarily ceded most of his political clout
    to Mr Ivanishvili last year in response to the emphatic election
    victory of Mr Ivanishvili's Georgian Dream coalition over the
    president's United National Movement (UNM).

    What are the main foreign policy issues?

    Since his election, Mr Ivanishvili has tried to mend Georgia's brittle
    relations with Russia. Ties were formally cut after the two former
    Soviet allies clashed in 2008 over South Ossetia, a Georgian breakaway
    region now firmly in the Russian camp.

    But Mr Ivanishvili says he shares Mr Saakashvili's aspirations to join
    Nato and the EU.

    Why is Mr Ivanishvili resigning as prime minister?

    He says his aim is to wean Georgia off its "Messiah complex" - an
    alleged tendency to invest unrealistic expectations in a single strong
    leader.

    He cites Mr Saakashvili as a prime example, accusing his rival of
    falling prey to authoritarianism and corruption after coming to power
    on a wave of euphoria as leader of the 2003 Rose Revolution.

    Some observers think Mr Ivanishvili plans to maintain influence
    through his as-yet-unannounced successor and the government with
    newly-enhanced powers that he is leaving in place.

    And what about Mr Saakashvili?

    Having served two terms, Mr Saakashvili is constitutionally barred
    from standing again. He says he now wants to work in the Georgian wine
    industry.

    After leading the protests that ousted President Eduard Shevardnadze
    in 2003, Mr Saakashvili took Georgia down a path of free market
    reforms and pursued a pro-Western foreign policy, antagonising Russia.

    Mr Ivanishvili has indicated that Mr Saakashvili could face
    questioning or even prosecution over the alleged crimes of his
    "regime" after his presidential term ends.

    Who are the main contenders?

    Posters of two frontrunners - Nino Burjanadze (top) and Giorgi
    Margvelashvili - in Tbilisi

    Giorgi Margvelashvili, 44, is Bidzina Ivanishvili's handpicked
    candidate of the Georgian Dream coalition, which dominates parliament.
    He fully supports the prime minister's policies, especially on
    improving ties with Russia while continuing to seek eventual Nato and
    EU membership.

    Critics say the former academic is bland and uncharismatic. Mr
    Ivanishvili, who frequently appears with Mr Margvelashvili on the
    campaign trail, says he was chosen to rid Georgia of its "stereotype"
    of the "superman" leader.

    Mr Saakashvili's UNM has nominated MP Davit Bakradze, 41, as its
    candidate. Briefly foreign minister in 2008 and parliamentary speaker
    in 2008-12, he is currently leader of the parliamentary minority.

    His campaign has been centred on his opposition to Mr Ivanishvili's
    softer line towards Russia and purported failure to fulfil campaign
    promises.

    The UNM's popularity has declined significantly since the 2012 vote,
    and Mr Bakradze's performance will be seen as a test of whether it can
    remain a political force in Georgia.

    Nino Burjanadze, 49, of the small Democratic Movement - United Georgia
    party, is seen as the only other contender.

    Once a supporter of Mr Saakashvili and his pro-Western course, and
    parliamentary speaker in 2001-08, she became one of his fiercest
    critics after the 2008 war with Russia.

    Ms Burjanadze is now one of the strongest pro-Moscow voices in
    Georgian politics.

    Of the remaining 20 candidates, only Shalva Natelashvili, 55, leader
    of the populist Labour Party, Giorgi Targamadze, 39, a former TV
    presenter campaigning for a constitutional ban on same-sex marriages,
    and Koba Davitashvili, 42, a defector from Georgian Dream, are
    registering at all in the opinion polls.

    What do the polls say?

    Opinion polls give Mr Margvelashvili a comfortable lead, but indicate
    that a second round with Mr Bakradze is a distinct possibility.

    One survey - conducted for the US-based National Democratic Institute
    in late August and early September - gave Mr Margvelashvili 39%
    support, Mr Bakradze 18% and Ms Burjanadze 7%. The record of polls in
    Georgia has been mixed, however.

    How will the election work?

    If no candidate wins more than 50% of the vote, a run-off between the
    two top-placed candidates must be held two weeks after the results of
    the first round are published.

    Mr Margvelashvili has said he will refuse to stand in a second round,
    which effectively means conceding the election to the runner-up. He
    has clarified that he made that statement only out of absolute
    confidence in a first-round win.

    Polling stations open from 0800 to 2000 (0400-1600 gmt). Final results
    must be published no later than 16 November.

    Will it be free and fair?

    Past elections were followed by opposition complaints of vote-rigging,
    but international observers registered only minor irregularities at
    the 2012 parliamentary vote. In any case, the election was free and
    fair enough to produce an opposition victory.

    http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-24643062

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