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CAUCASUS ANALYST OZTARSU: ONLY DIALOGUE CAN SOLVE TURKISH, ARMENIAN PROBLEMS
Today's Zaman, Turkey
Oct 27 2013
27 October 2013 /YONCA POYRAZ DOÄ~^AN, Ä°STANBUL
Though Turkey's relations with Armenia have been strained by a number
of historical and political issues, a Turkish Caucasus analyst who
lived and studied in Armenia points out in his new book that only
dialogue can solve problems.
"There is a great panorama of civil society activities, and I can say
that our political problems will be solved by these initiatives. Young
and liberal people come together and discuss their own agendas without
any political motivations," Mehmet Fatih Oztarsu said for this week's
Monday Talk.
Turkey recognized the state of Armenia soon after its 1991
independence. However, Turkey closed its border with Armenia in
1993 because of its war with Azerbaijan over the disputed region
of Nagorno-Karabakh.
In October 2009, Turkey and Armenia signed a historic accord in
Switzerland normalizing relations after a century of hostility. Under
the agreement, Turkey and Armenia were to establish diplomatic ties and
reopen their shared border. But the accords never went much further.
Since the protocols were signed, Turkey has been insisting that
their ratification be linked to the successful resolution of the
Nagorno-Karabakh issue, a precondition that was not part of the
original negotiations between Ankara and Yerevan. On the other hand,
Armenia wants Turkey to recognize the 1915 killing of hundreds of
thousands of Armenians as an act of genocide, but Turkey refuses to
do so.
On Oct. 10 this year, the signing's fourth anniversary, Turkish Foreign
Minister Ahmet Davutoglu suggested that Turkey is still trying to
find ways to move forward.
Answering our questions, Oztarsu talked about the possibility of this
and his experiences living in Armenia.
Let's start with the title of your book, "But Which Turks and
Armenians?" Why did you choose this title for your book?
Two nations have their own image against each other. There is an image
of "enemy," but nobody knows who this enemy is. I want to clarify this
issue and create a new perspective on definitions. We are two nations,
as Turks and Armenians, of [the] same geography, and these people
lived together for centuries [with] a common cultural background. We
should be careful while we are discussing the historical conflict.
There is a problem, but nobody knows which Turks and Armenians are
subjects of this dispute. Do we point out the Turks and Armenians
of the 20th century or today's nations? Should we care only about
our ancestors or today's generation? We can understand each other by
asking these questions first.
Is there a personal reason why the Caucasus have been an interesting
area of work for you?
I graduated from university in Baku. I lived there for five years,
and all specialists of the international relations department at the
university were expected to choose a region to develop an expertise. I
decided to be an expert on the Caucasus, which is one of the most
prominent areas for Turkish scholars.
What has it been like living and studying in Armenia? What was the
most unexpected thing for you while living there?
First of all, it is so hard for a Turk. I lived in a country [that]
has a political and social opposition against Turkey and Turks. There
is no Turkish diplomatic mission there. I had two challenges. First,
I was living there as a foreigner and as a Turkish person. Second,
I started my master's degree as a Turkish student. There are too many
legal problems because you [need to] apply to the Ministry of Education
for being a student. But your documents cannot be approved easily
without many bureaucratic confirmations. The nationality section [on my
ID card] was written inaccurately [on my] first documents; according
to the Armenian authorities, I was a Syrian student and my country
was the Syrian Arab Republic, because they couldn't believe that I
applied for a master's program in an Armenian university as a Turkish
person. I faced multifarious problems, but the police interrogation
was the most unexpected thing for me. They asked me why I came to
Yerevan and [why I] wanted to be student. Several times they ... asked
unintelligible questions. Some of them kindly told me to leave their
country as soon as possible before something bad happened to me.
Have you ever felt that your life was in danger while living in
Armenia?
It is very normal to feel your life is in danger as a Turk there. I am
sure that ordinary people would not do anything to harm me, but police
are different. Pressure [from] the police created some concerns in my
daily life. Because they wanted me to leave their country, they were
looking to find something [so they could] deport me. They couldn't
find anything, but somebody in [the] government [got in the way of]
my education. Finally, the dean of the faculty that I had applied to
declared that they don't want to see any Turkish students in their
university.
'University dissolved my right of education on gov't orders' So you
were not able to complete your education in Armenia?
My university dissolved my right of education seven months after my
registration because the Armenian government doesn't want to provide
education [to] a Turk. I had to leave the university, although all
of my professors tried to prevent it. This is an important concern
for anybody who would like to study or do business in Armenia. There
is no Turkish diplomatic mission, so there is nothing to do in an
emergency situation. On the other hand, the Armenian government must
ensure [the] rights of everybody, not discriminate against them,
under its international obligations.
What happened in the end?
I transferred my credits to a Georgian university in Tbilisi and
completed my master's education. Some of my lecturers [were] fired
at my previous university in Armenia because they were defending my
rights against their government's decision. An ironic [event] took
place: All of my friends apologized on behalf of their state.
According to them, this is one of the most important problems of
Yerevan officials who [put] pressure on foreigners, especially Turks.
Soviet mentality still persists; the Soviet Union didn't collapse in
Armenia in that regard. I know too many strange stories of Turks who
try to work in Armenia. Most of them are under the threat of Yerevan
officials, and the same politicians blame Turkey on the issue of
Armenian migrants.
Very few people in Turkey know Armenia and the way people live there.
What myths do you think Turks have against Armenia?
We are thinking that this state is totally against Turkish people. So
there is no trust [that would make them want] to visit and meet its
people. I share several examples about myths in my book. I always
defend dialogue among people. Turkish and Armenian people share a great
historical and cultural background. You can find various common values
if you meet an Armenian. Political pressure is a negative factor on
perceptions. Both governments have unfavorable approaches at [the]
political level.
>From your stories in the book, we get the feeling that Armenian
civil society has been working well with Turkish civil society. How
effective are they and how much support do they get? Has this work
between the two civil societies been diminished because initiatives
to start diplomatic relations between Turkey and Armenia failed?
There is a great panorama of civil society activities, and I can say
that our political problems will be solved by these initiatives. Young
and liberal people come together and discuss their own agendas without
any political motivations. They can find financial support from
Western organizations. Their work is valuable; they create reports,
surveys and tangible projects. I think civil society can build a
ground[work] before diplomatic relations. We need to establish an
environment of trust at the level of the people. Most of the Turkish
and Armenian people were against the normalization process because
of unsatisfactory civil initiatives. But today, the situation is
different and civil society activists can take a leading role on the
normalization of relations.
'Two sides not politically ready to move forward' There have been
past reports in some media organizations that diplomatic relations
might start between Turkey and Armenia behind the scenes. Do you
think this is likely?
Some media organs have interesting news on secret talks. I don't think
that this is real and logical. First of all, Ankara and Yerevan are
on opposite sides because of political concerns, and public opinion
is very important for the two governments. Today, [the] two sides
are not ready politically and reports of secret talks are not credible.
Davutoglu said just very recently that Turkey attaches importance to
its relations with Armenia and to developing new solutions for better
ties. He added that, for lasting relations, Armenia has to deal with
the problems in the South Caucasus, particularly those related to
Azerbaijan. He spoke in Switzerland, where Turkey and Armenia had
signed twin protocols in 2009 in order to normalize their ties,
but as we all know, the protocols have failed. What do you make of
Davutoglu's statement in Switzerland?
I think Mr. Davutoglu wants to draw the attention of Yerevan and Baku.
Armenia is being the Kaliningrad of the Caucasus region by
participating in the customs union. Armenia's political, economic
and security dependence on Russia will continue. On the other side,
Ilham Aliyev won elections for the third time in Azerbaijan and he
will create a new kind of policy, because the region and the world
are changing. Mr. Davutoglu's statement seem [to show] that Ankara
wants to play a role in the Karabakh issue on the eve of important
developments. Karabakh is a key subject in Turkish-Armenian relations.
Thus, Turkish officials should work for a consensus between Yerevan
and Baku.
What is your evaluation of the news of a September announcement that
Armenia would be entering into a customs union formed by a Russian
initiative?
This is an indispensable decision of Yerevan. 2013 has been a year
of great protests in Armenia. Especially the energy crisis created
a strong opposition. Russia follows its traditional policy to create
pressure over some governments such as Yerevan, Kiev and Tbilisi to
be a part of the customs union. Natural gas prices have been rising,
and the opposition started to mobilize people against the Armenian
government. Yerevan declared its decision to join the customs union
suddenly and abolished the danger of a possible revolution.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
'Recognition of genocide unwavering issue' The issue of genocide is a
sensitive topic between Turkey and Armenia and between the peoples. You
must have had questions from Armenians in that regard while living
there. What do you tell them when they ask you what you think of it?
I [have] always said that the 1915 events are not applicable for
the definition of genocide, which has a systematic process -- like
creating symbols and propaganda -- separating people based on their
ethnic identity, etc. Nobody remembers these kinds of initiatives
on either side. But massacres occurred among many different ethnic
groups. Recognition of genocide is an unwavering issue for Armenians,
like believing in God. If you explain how real genocide happens,
they feel like they must protest you. They grew up with this
mentality. It is a crime against humanity and you must recognize
it; if you don't, they say that you are inhuman. But we can't see
any humanitarian approach from Armenia in regards to tragedies in
Palestine, Egypt, Syria and other places. Yerevan strongly supports
the Syrian President Bashar al-Assad. Sometimes I tell them that I can
recognize the genocide if they need it so much, but I also ask them:
What happens after that? They are telling me that my apology would
show that I recognize the value of humanity. Then, I ask about the
crimes in Syria against humanity. Most of them defend Assad. There
is a great contradiction making the Armenian genocide claims not so
innocent. It is the same thing for Karabakh. Armenian public opinion
and officials aren't interested in massacres in Karabakh. Zori Balayan,
who practiced inhuman medical experiments on Azerbaijani children and
women during the Karabakh war, is a hero for Armenians; the Khojaly
massacre is not important for them; mass massacres are only military
operations, and Armenian soldiers liberated Karabakh, they did not
occupy it. We should be aware of the terms used here. Why does the
Armenian side continue to blame Turkey regarding the events of 1915
while they change some terms for their own interests? [In] the end,
what happened in Karabakh is a liberation movement for them and the
events of 1915 [are] not genocide for us.
So are you saying that the events of 1915 could or should be considered
genocide by the Turkish side if the Armenian side considers what
happened in Karabakh an occupation and massacre?
We have a struggle with terms -- like in the case of "freedom fighter"
and "terrorist." If Armenians really want to condemn crimes against
humanity, they should start with their crimes; not only the Karabakh
massacres, they should also recognize the crimes of Dashnaktsutiun
during and after World War I and ASALA's [Armenian Secret Army for the
Liberation of Armenia] terrorist activities against Turkish diplomats.
Thereafter, I personally promise to recognize their genocide
definition.
In less than two years, in 2015, Turkey will find itself in a tough
situation during the events commemorating the centennial of the
"Armenian genocide." Is there anything that the Turkish government
can do to build something constructive for the relations?
2015 projects are up to officials in Ankara. Our bureaucrats say that
they have their own plans and, unfortunately, nobody pays attention
to the offers of the Caucasus analysts. There should be projects to
improve dialogue between Turks and Armenians. There is [the] Public
Diplomacy Coordination Department of the Turkish Prime Ministry. This
department can produce films and organize seminars and conferences.
The Turkish government should welcome Armenians to Turkey without any
preconditions. Our main problems can be solved only through dialogue.
The two sides don't know each other. Turkey should be aware of Turkey's
responsibilities as a regional power and establish Turkish-Armenian
relations without foreign intervention.
PROFILE: Mehmet Fatih Oztarsu
Graduating from the International Relations department at Baku
Caucasus University, Mehmet Fatih Oztarsu studied for his master's
degree in political science and Caucasus affairs at the European
Regional Academy of Armenia and Ilia State University in Georgia
from 2011-2013. He is the only Turkish analyst who studied in Baku,
Yerevan and Tbilisi. He worked as a media observer in the USA with
the partnership of the International Center for Journalists (ICFJ)
and joined the politics and leadership program of the Atlantic
Council in both Washington, D.C., and New York. He is a member of
the Young Turkey Young America fellowship program at the Atlantic
Council. He writes articles for the Today's Zaman and Zaman dailies
in Turkey and Aravot in Armenia. Currently, he is co-president of
the Strategic Outlook Institute based in Turkey's Konya province,
and he lives in Tbilisi as a freelance journalist and Caucasus analyst.
http://www.todayszaman.com/news-329915-caucasus-analyst-oztarsu-only-dialogue-can-solve-turkish-armenian-problems.html
From: Baghdasarian
Today's Zaman, Turkey
Oct 27 2013
27 October 2013 /YONCA POYRAZ DOÄ~^AN, Ä°STANBUL
Though Turkey's relations with Armenia have been strained by a number
of historical and political issues, a Turkish Caucasus analyst who
lived and studied in Armenia points out in his new book that only
dialogue can solve problems.
"There is a great panorama of civil society activities, and I can say
that our political problems will be solved by these initiatives. Young
and liberal people come together and discuss their own agendas without
any political motivations," Mehmet Fatih Oztarsu said for this week's
Monday Talk.
Turkey recognized the state of Armenia soon after its 1991
independence. However, Turkey closed its border with Armenia in
1993 because of its war with Azerbaijan over the disputed region
of Nagorno-Karabakh.
In October 2009, Turkey and Armenia signed a historic accord in
Switzerland normalizing relations after a century of hostility. Under
the agreement, Turkey and Armenia were to establish diplomatic ties and
reopen their shared border. But the accords never went much further.
Since the protocols were signed, Turkey has been insisting that
their ratification be linked to the successful resolution of the
Nagorno-Karabakh issue, a precondition that was not part of the
original negotiations between Ankara and Yerevan. On the other hand,
Armenia wants Turkey to recognize the 1915 killing of hundreds of
thousands of Armenians as an act of genocide, but Turkey refuses to
do so.
On Oct. 10 this year, the signing's fourth anniversary, Turkish Foreign
Minister Ahmet Davutoglu suggested that Turkey is still trying to
find ways to move forward.
Answering our questions, Oztarsu talked about the possibility of this
and his experiences living in Armenia.
Let's start with the title of your book, "But Which Turks and
Armenians?" Why did you choose this title for your book?
Two nations have their own image against each other. There is an image
of "enemy," but nobody knows who this enemy is. I want to clarify this
issue and create a new perspective on definitions. We are two nations,
as Turks and Armenians, of [the] same geography, and these people
lived together for centuries [with] a common cultural background. We
should be careful while we are discussing the historical conflict.
There is a problem, but nobody knows which Turks and Armenians are
subjects of this dispute. Do we point out the Turks and Armenians
of the 20th century or today's nations? Should we care only about
our ancestors or today's generation? We can understand each other by
asking these questions first.
Is there a personal reason why the Caucasus have been an interesting
area of work for you?
I graduated from university in Baku. I lived there for five years,
and all specialists of the international relations department at the
university were expected to choose a region to develop an expertise. I
decided to be an expert on the Caucasus, which is one of the most
prominent areas for Turkish scholars.
What has it been like living and studying in Armenia? What was the
most unexpected thing for you while living there?
First of all, it is so hard for a Turk. I lived in a country [that]
has a political and social opposition against Turkey and Turks. There
is no Turkish diplomatic mission there. I had two challenges. First,
I was living there as a foreigner and as a Turkish person. Second,
I started my master's degree as a Turkish student. There are too many
legal problems because you [need to] apply to the Ministry of Education
for being a student. But your documents cannot be approved easily
without many bureaucratic confirmations. The nationality section [on my
ID card] was written inaccurately [on my] first documents; according
to the Armenian authorities, I was a Syrian student and my country
was the Syrian Arab Republic, because they couldn't believe that I
applied for a master's program in an Armenian university as a Turkish
person. I faced multifarious problems, but the police interrogation
was the most unexpected thing for me. They asked me why I came to
Yerevan and [why I] wanted to be student. Several times they ... asked
unintelligible questions. Some of them kindly told me to leave their
country as soon as possible before something bad happened to me.
Have you ever felt that your life was in danger while living in
Armenia?
It is very normal to feel your life is in danger as a Turk there. I am
sure that ordinary people would not do anything to harm me, but police
are different. Pressure [from] the police created some concerns in my
daily life. Because they wanted me to leave their country, they were
looking to find something [so they could] deport me. They couldn't
find anything, but somebody in [the] government [got in the way of]
my education. Finally, the dean of the faculty that I had applied to
declared that they don't want to see any Turkish students in their
university.
'University dissolved my right of education on gov't orders' So you
were not able to complete your education in Armenia?
My university dissolved my right of education seven months after my
registration because the Armenian government doesn't want to provide
education [to] a Turk. I had to leave the university, although all
of my professors tried to prevent it. This is an important concern
for anybody who would like to study or do business in Armenia. There
is no Turkish diplomatic mission, so there is nothing to do in an
emergency situation. On the other hand, the Armenian government must
ensure [the] rights of everybody, not discriminate against them,
under its international obligations.
What happened in the end?
I transferred my credits to a Georgian university in Tbilisi and
completed my master's education. Some of my lecturers [were] fired
at my previous university in Armenia because they were defending my
rights against their government's decision. An ironic [event] took
place: All of my friends apologized on behalf of their state.
According to them, this is one of the most important problems of
Yerevan officials who [put] pressure on foreigners, especially Turks.
Soviet mentality still persists; the Soviet Union didn't collapse in
Armenia in that regard. I know too many strange stories of Turks who
try to work in Armenia. Most of them are under the threat of Yerevan
officials, and the same politicians blame Turkey on the issue of
Armenian migrants.
Very few people in Turkey know Armenia and the way people live there.
What myths do you think Turks have against Armenia?
We are thinking that this state is totally against Turkish people. So
there is no trust [that would make them want] to visit and meet its
people. I share several examples about myths in my book. I always
defend dialogue among people. Turkish and Armenian people share a great
historical and cultural background. You can find various common values
if you meet an Armenian. Political pressure is a negative factor on
perceptions. Both governments have unfavorable approaches at [the]
political level.
>From your stories in the book, we get the feeling that Armenian
civil society has been working well with Turkish civil society. How
effective are they and how much support do they get? Has this work
between the two civil societies been diminished because initiatives
to start diplomatic relations between Turkey and Armenia failed?
There is a great panorama of civil society activities, and I can say
that our political problems will be solved by these initiatives. Young
and liberal people come together and discuss their own agendas without
any political motivations. They can find financial support from
Western organizations. Their work is valuable; they create reports,
surveys and tangible projects. I think civil society can build a
ground[work] before diplomatic relations. We need to establish an
environment of trust at the level of the people. Most of the Turkish
and Armenian people were against the normalization process because
of unsatisfactory civil initiatives. But today, the situation is
different and civil society activists can take a leading role on the
normalization of relations.
'Two sides not politically ready to move forward' There have been
past reports in some media organizations that diplomatic relations
might start between Turkey and Armenia behind the scenes. Do you
think this is likely?
Some media organs have interesting news on secret talks. I don't think
that this is real and logical. First of all, Ankara and Yerevan are
on opposite sides because of political concerns, and public opinion
is very important for the two governments. Today, [the] two sides
are not ready politically and reports of secret talks are not credible.
Davutoglu said just very recently that Turkey attaches importance to
its relations with Armenia and to developing new solutions for better
ties. He added that, for lasting relations, Armenia has to deal with
the problems in the South Caucasus, particularly those related to
Azerbaijan. He spoke in Switzerland, where Turkey and Armenia had
signed twin protocols in 2009 in order to normalize their ties,
but as we all know, the protocols have failed. What do you make of
Davutoglu's statement in Switzerland?
I think Mr. Davutoglu wants to draw the attention of Yerevan and Baku.
Armenia is being the Kaliningrad of the Caucasus region by
participating in the customs union. Armenia's political, economic
and security dependence on Russia will continue. On the other side,
Ilham Aliyev won elections for the third time in Azerbaijan and he
will create a new kind of policy, because the region and the world
are changing. Mr. Davutoglu's statement seem [to show] that Ankara
wants to play a role in the Karabakh issue on the eve of important
developments. Karabakh is a key subject in Turkish-Armenian relations.
Thus, Turkish officials should work for a consensus between Yerevan
and Baku.
What is your evaluation of the news of a September announcement that
Armenia would be entering into a customs union formed by a Russian
initiative?
This is an indispensable decision of Yerevan. 2013 has been a year
of great protests in Armenia. Especially the energy crisis created
a strong opposition. Russia follows its traditional policy to create
pressure over some governments such as Yerevan, Kiev and Tbilisi to
be a part of the customs union. Natural gas prices have been rising,
and the opposition started to mobilize people against the Armenian
government. Yerevan declared its decision to join the customs union
suddenly and abolished the danger of a possible revolution.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
'Recognition of genocide unwavering issue' The issue of genocide is a
sensitive topic between Turkey and Armenia and between the peoples. You
must have had questions from Armenians in that regard while living
there. What do you tell them when they ask you what you think of it?
I [have] always said that the 1915 events are not applicable for
the definition of genocide, which has a systematic process -- like
creating symbols and propaganda -- separating people based on their
ethnic identity, etc. Nobody remembers these kinds of initiatives
on either side. But massacres occurred among many different ethnic
groups. Recognition of genocide is an unwavering issue for Armenians,
like believing in God. If you explain how real genocide happens,
they feel like they must protest you. They grew up with this
mentality. It is a crime against humanity and you must recognize
it; if you don't, they say that you are inhuman. But we can't see
any humanitarian approach from Armenia in regards to tragedies in
Palestine, Egypt, Syria and other places. Yerevan strongly supports
the Syrian President Bashar al-Assad. Sometimes I tell them that I can
recognize the genocide if they need it so much, but I also ask them:
What happens after that? They are telling me that my apology would
show that I recognize the value of humanity. Then, I ask about the
crimes in Syria against humanity. Most of them defend Assad. There
is a great contradiction making the Armenian genocide claims not so
innocent. It is the same thing for Karabakh. Armenian public opinion
and officials aren't interested in massacres in Karabakh. Zori Balayan,
who practiced inhuman medical experiments on Azerbaijani children and
women during the Karabakh war, is a hero for Armenians; the Khojaly
massacre is not important for them; mass massacres are only military
operations, and Armenian soldiers liberated Karabakh, they did not
occupy it. We should be aware of the terms used here. Why does the
Armenian side continue to blame Turkey regarding the events of 1915
while they change some terms for their own interests? [In] the end,
what happened in Karabakh is a liberation movement for them and the
events of 1915 [are] not genocide for us.
So are you saying that the events of 1915 could or should be considered
genocide by the Turkish side if the Armenian side considers what
happened in Karabakh an occupation and massacre?
We have a struggle with terms -- like in the case of "freedom fighter"
and "terrorist." If Armenians really want to condemn crimes against
humanity, they should start with their crimes; not only the Karabakh
massacres, they should also recognize the crimes of Dashnaktsutiun
during and after World War I and ASALA's [Armenian Secret Army for the
Liberation of Armenia] terrorist activities against Turkish diplomats.
Thereafter, I personally promise to recognize their genocide
definition.
In less than two years, in 2015, Turkey will find itself in a tough
situation during the events commemorating the centennial of the
"Armenian genocide." Is there anything that the Turkish government
can do to build something constructive for the relations?
2015 projects are up to officials in Ankara. Our bureaucrats say that
they have their own plans and, unfortunately, nobody pays attention
to the offers of the Caucasus analysts. There should be projects to
improve dialogue between Turks and Armenians. There is [the] Public
Diplomacy Coordination Department of the Turkish Prime Ministry. This
department can produce films and organize seminars and conferences.
The Turkish government should welcome Armenians to Turkey without any
preconditions. Our main problems can be solved only through dialogue.
The two sides don't know each other. Turkey should be aware of Turkey's
responsibilities as a regional power and establish Turkish-Armenian
relations without foreign intervention.
PROFILE: Mehmet Fatih Oztarsu
Graduating from the International Relations department at Baku
Caucasus University, Mehmet Fatih Oztarsu studied for his master's
degree in political science and Caucasus affairs at the European
Regional Academy of Armenia and Ilia State University in Georgia
from 2011-2013. He is the only Turkish analyst who studied in Baku,
Yerevan and Tbilisi. He worked as a media observer in the USA with
the partnership of the International Center for Journalists (ICFJ)
and joined the politics and leadership program of the Atlantic
Council in both Washington, D.C., and New York. He is a member of
the Young Turkey Young America fellowship program at the Atlantic
Council. He writes articles for the Today's Zaman and Zaman dailies
in Turkey and Aravot in Armenia. Currently, he is co-president of
the Strategic Outlook Institute based in Turkey's Konya province,
and he lives in Tbilisi as a freelance journalist and Caucasus analyst.
http://www.todayszaman.com/news-329915-caucasus-analyst-oztarsu-only-dialogue-can-solve-turkish-armenian-problems.html
From: Baghdasarian