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The Korea Herald, S. Korea
Dec 21 2014
The Arab world's vanishing Christians
By Christian C. Sahner
PRINCETON, New Jersey -- This Christmas, like every Christmas,
thousands of pilgrims and tourists will travel to the Middle East to
celebrate the holiday in the land of the Bible. In Bethlehem, the
birthplace of Jesus, the Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem will lead a
midnight mass, while in Syria -- where some Christians still speak
dialects of Aramaic, similar to the ancient language Jesus spoke --
celebrations are likely to be subdued, curtailed by the dangers of a
war that is tearing the country apart.
At a time when the Middle East is aflame with sectarian strife, the
observance of the Christian holiday is a sad reminder that the
region's distinctive religious, ethnic, and cultural diversity is
rapidly disappearing. At the beginning of the twentieth century,
Christians made up roughly 20 percent of the Arab world. In certain
areas -- including southern Egypt, the mountains of Lebanon, and
southeastern Anatolia -- they formed an absolute majority. Today, just
5 percent of the Arab world is Christian, and many of those who remain
are leaving, forced out by persecution and war.
Jews, too -- once a vital presence in cities like Cairo, Damascus, and
Baghdad -- have all but disappeared from the predominantly Muslim parts
of the Middle East, relocating to Israel, Europe, and North America.
Even in Muslim communities, diversity has been dwindling. In cities
like Beirut and Baghdad, mixed neighborhoods have been homogenized, as
Sunni and Shia seek shelter from sectarian attacks and civil war.
The waning of diversity in the Middle East goes back more than a
century, to the bouts of ethnic and religious cleansing that took
place during the Ottoman Empire, including the murder and displacement
of 1.5 million Armenian and Syriac Christians in eastern Anatolia.
After the empire's collapse in 1918, the rise of Arab nationalism
placed Arabic language and culture at the center of political
identity, thereby disenfranchising many non-Arab ethnic groups,
including Kurds, Jews, and Syriacs. Many Greeks who had been living in
Egypt for generations, for example, lost their livelihoods in the
1950s, when President Gamal Abdel Nasser, the great standard-bearer of
pan-Arabism, nationalized privately owned businesses and industries.
Others were forced to flee the country altogether.
The rise of political Islam following the Arab-Israeli Six-Day War in
1967 dealt another blow to religious minorities. By promoting Islamic
revival as a solution to the region's ills, Islamism led to the
marginalization of non-Muslims, including groups that had played
outsize roles in the region's economic, cultural, and political life
for centuries. As a result, in places like Egypt, Christians have
faced harsh social discrimination and violence, sometimes at the hands
of the nominally secular state.
The Arab Spring upheavals have given rise to grave new challenges to
cultural and religious diversity in the Middle East. Many of the
authoritarian regimes now under threat of collapse cultivated the
support of minorities. This was especially true in Syria, where the
Alawite-dominated Baath Party fostered ties to Christians and other
small communities by presenting itself as a bulwark of secularism and
stability in the face of a supposedly threatening Sunni majority. Now
that Syria's Sunnis have risen up against their Alawite rulers,
Christians' loyalty to the regime has become a liability, even a
danger. In some corners, Christians are regarded as complicit in the
government's brutal crackdown, making them targets for attack.
The rise of the Islamic State over the last year has sparked even more
violence against minorities. Powered by a fundamentalist Wahhabi
ideology and a boundless appetite for bloodshed, the Islamic State
seeks a return to an imagined pre-modern caliphate that subjugates
Shia and treats non-Muslims as second-class citizens. When the Islamic
State captures a city, its fighters give Christians the choice of
paying a medieval tax known as the jizya, converting to Islam, or
being killed. Many simply flee.
The Yazidis of northern Iraq -- whose plight on Mount Sinjar was much
publicized this past summer -- are even less lucky. The Islamic State
regards them as pagans, and therefore, undeserving of the protections
traditionally accorded to Christians or Jews under Islamic law. As a
result, many Yazidis are murdered or enslaved.
In addition to persecuting minorities, the Islamic State has set about
erasing all physical traces of religious diversity. Its forces have
demolished Sufi shrines, Shia mosques, Christian churches, and ancient
monuments they consider to be remnants of a corrupt and profane past.
Western governments' protection of ethnic and religious minorities in
the region has been a controversial matter for more than a century,
and it remains so today. Many Sunnis, for example, accuse America of
favoritism: the United States intervenes to protect Kurds, Yazidis,
and Christians in northern Iraq, they say, but does little to stop the
slaughter of hundreds of thousands of Sunnis in Syria. In fact,
America's complicated history of church-state relations at home has
made it reluctant to intervene on the part of any religious groups
abroad, especially when the population is small.
The end of diversity in the Middle East is a tragedy not only for
those who have died, fled, or suffered. The region as a whole will be
worse off as a result of their absence. Minorities have historically
served as brokers between the Middle East and the outside world, and
if they disappear, the region will lose an important class of
cultural, economic, and intellectual leaders.
How a society handles ethnic and religious diversity can tell us a
great deal about its capacity to negotiate disagreements and transform
pluralism from a liability into an asset. Yet diversity is all too
often considered a source of weakness in the Middle East. It should be
considered a strength, and one that is worth protecting.
Christian C. Sahner is the author, most recently, of "Among the Ruins:
Syria Past and Present." -- Ed.
(Project Syndicate)
http://www.koreaherald.com/view.php?ud141221000266
Dec 21 2014
The Arab world's vanishing Christians
By Christian C. Sahner
PRINCETON, New Jersey -- This Christmas, like every Christmas,
thousands of pilgrims and tourists will travel to the Middle East to
celebrate the holiday in the land of the Bible. In Bethlehem, the
birthplace of Jesus, the Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem will lead a
midnight mass, while in Syria -- where some Christians still speak
dialects of Aramaic, similar to the ancient language Jesus spoke --
celebrations are likely to be subdued, curtailed by the dangers of a
war that is tearing the country apart.
At a time when the Middle East is aflame with sectarian strife, the
observance of the Christian holiday is a sad reminder that the
region's distinctive religious, ethnic, and cultural diversity is
rapidly disappearing. At the beginning of the twentieth century,
Christians made up roughly 20 percent of the Arab world. In certain
areas -- including southern Egypt, the mountains of Lebanon, and
southeastern Anatolia -- they formed an absolute majority. Today, just
5 percent of the Arab world is Christian, and many of those who remain
are leaving, forced out by persecution and war.
Jews, too -- once a vital presence in cities like Cairo, Damascus, and
Baghdad -- have all but disappeared from the predominantly Muslim parts
of the Middle East, relocating to Israel, Europe, and North America.
Even in Muslim communities, diversity has been dwindling. In cities
like Beirut and Baghdad, mixed neighborhoods have been homogenized, as
Sunni and Shia seek shelter from sectarian attacks and civil war.
The waning of diversity in the Middle East goes back more than a
century, to the bouts of ethnic and religious cleansing that took
place during the Ottoman Empire, including the murder and displacement
of 1.5 million Armenian and Syriac Christians in eastern Anatolia.
After the empire's collapse in 1918, the rise of Arab nationalism
placed Arabic language and culture at the center of political
identity, thereby disenfranchising many non-Arab ethnic groups,
including Kurds, Jews, and Syriacs. Many Greeks who had been living in
Egypt for generations, for example, lost their livelihoods in the
1950s, when President Gamal Abdel Nasser, the great standard-bearer of
pan-Arabism, nationalized privately owned businesses and industries.
Others were forced to flee the country altogether.
The rise of political Islam following the Arab-Israeli Six-Day War in
1967 dealt another blow to religious minorities. By promoting Islamic
revival as a solution to the region's ills, Islamism led to the
marginalization of non-Muslims, including groups that had played
outsize roles in the region's economic, cultural, and political life
for centuries. As a result, in places like Egypt, Christians have
faced harsh social discrimination and violence, sometimes at the hands
of the nominally secular state.
The Arab Spring upheavals have given rise to grave new challenges to
cultural and religious diversity in the Middle East. Many of the
authoritarian regimes now under threat of collapse cultivated the
support of minorities. This was especially true in Syria, where the
Alawite-dominated Baath Party fostered ties to Christians and other
small communities by presenting itself as a bulwark of secularism and
stability in the face of a supposedly threatening Sunni majority. Now
that Syria's Sunnis have risen up against their Alawite rulers,
Christians' loyalty to the regime has become a liability, even a
danger. In some corners, Christians are regarded as complicit in the
government's brutal crackdown, making them targets for attack.
The rise of the Islamic State over the last year has sparked even more
violence against minorities. Powered by a fundamentalist Wahhabi
ideology and a boundless appetite for bloodshed, the Islamic State
seeks a return to an imagined pre-modern caliphate that subjugates
Shia and treats non-Muslims as second-class citizens. When the Islamic
State captures a city, its fighters give Christians the choice of
paying a medieval tax known as the jizya, converting to Islam, or
being killed. Many simply flee.
The Yazidis of northern Iraq -- whose plight on Mount Sinjar was much
publicized this past summer -- are even less lucky. The Islamic State
regards them as pagans, and therefore, undeserving of the protections
traditionally accorded to Christians or Jews under Islamic law. As a
result, many Yazidis are murdered or enslaved.
In addition to persecuting minorities, the Islamic State has set about
erasing all physical traces of religious diversity. Its forces have
demolished Sufi shrines, Shia mosques, Christian churches, and ancient
monuments they consider to be remnants of a corrupt and profane past.
Western governments' protection of ethnic and religious minorities in
the region has been a controversial matter for more than a century,
and it remains so today. Many Sunnis, for example, accuse America of
favoritism: the United States intervenes to protect Kurds, Yazidis,
and Christians in northern Iraq, they say, but does little to stop the
slaughter of hundreds of thousands of Sunnis in Syria. In fact,
America's complicated history of church-state relations at home has
made it reluctant to intervene on the part of any religious groups
abroad, especially when the population is small.
The end of diversity in the Middle East is a tragedy not only for
those who have died, fled, or suffered. The region as a whole will be
worse off as a result of their absence. Minorities have historically
served as brokers between the Middle East and the outside world, and
if they disappear, the region will lose an important class of
cultural, economic, and intellectual leaders.
How a society handles ethnic and religious diversity can tell us a
great deal about its capacity to negotiate disagreements and transform
pluralism from a liability into an asset. Yet diversity is all too
often considered a source of weakness in the Middle East. It should be
considered a strength, and one that is worth protecting.
Christian C. Sahner is the author, most recently, of "Among the Ruins:
Syria Past and Present." -- Ed.
(Project Syndicate)
http://www.koreaherald.com/view.php?ud141221000266