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Armenian Diplomatic Representation in Erbil
Hrant Gadarigian, BazNews, 9 December 2014
Mr. H. Gadarigian, with roots in western Armenia, has been the English
language editor of Hetq Online, Armenia's primary independent
investigative news outlet since 2008.-Ed.
The de-jure autonomous Kurdish region of Iraq lies a few hundred
kilometers from Yerevan. Given its pivotal role as a regional player
and burgeoning economy, should we be concerned by the apparent lack of
bilateral contact between Armenia and the KRG (Kurdish Regional
Government)?
26 states now maintain some type of diplomatic representation in
Erbil, the capital of Iraqi Kurdistan. Armenia does not.
During a trip to Baghdad in February of this year, Armenian Foreign
Minister Edward Nalbandian announced that Armenia was planning to open
a consulate general in Erbil. Eight months later, this hasn't
happened.
Hetq sent the following questions to Mr. Karwan Zebari, Director of
Congressional & Academic Affairs of the Kurdistan Regional Government
(KRG) Representation in the USA, regarding diplomatic relations
between the Republic of Armenia and the KRG in Iraq.
Following Mr. Zebari's responses, we also present the views of several
prominent political analysts on the subject.
1 - 26 states now have diplomatic representation in Erbil, the capital
of Iraqi Kurdistan - Armenia is not one of them. This, despite the
fact that Yerevan and Erbil are a mere 282 miles apart as the crow
flies.
During his visit to Baghdad in February of this year, Armenian Foreign
Minister Edward Nalbandian announced that Armenia was planning to open
a consulate general in Erbil, the capital of Iraqi Kurdistan. To your
knowledge has it done so? Are you aware of any problems delaying the
opening?
I'm afraid I can't comment authoritatively on KRG-Armenia relations,
as my portfolio is US-KRG. If you want answers to some of your more
specific questions, I would recommend you reach out to KRG Department
of Foreign Relations. They would be able to comment directly on the
issue of an exchange of diplomatic missions.
These are very trying times in Kurdistan. We are fighting a war with
ISIL terrorists, and hosting 1.4 million refugees in our region of 5.3
million people, and for obvious reasons our focus has shifted to these
issues. Given the past delegations, I perceive KRG-Armenian relations
as quite good. It seems that there is about 1 delegation per year to
the region, which from my understanding has always gone very well. I
do not think there is a lack of will or indifference, by any means.
Establishing diplomatic missions is a long, process, and I think that
the situation on ground has dictated the speed with which we can seek
to complete these. Both the KRG and Armenia have always expressed an
interest in having diplomatic mission and I firmly believe we will see
them appear in the near future.
2 - Despite this absence of official diplomatic relations between the
KRG and Yerevan, Armenia does have an ambassador, Karen Grigoryan,
posted in Baghdad. To your knowledge, has Ambassador Grigoryan ever
travelled to Iraqi Kurdistan or contacted any KRG representatives in
an official capacity?
I am unaware of any trip by the current Amb. Karen Grigoryan, though I
do know that the previous Amb. Murad Muradian made at least one trip
to the Kurdistan Region, including one as part of the delegation from
Armenia's Deputy Minister of Economy, Mr. Tigran Harutyunyan, in
August 2013.
3 - Conversely, has the KRG ever contacted the Armenian government,
whether regarding trade, investment, or any other issue of mutual
concern? Does Armenia enter into the KRG's foreign policy sphere, and
if so, in what respect?
Given the past delegations, I would imagine our governments are still
in contact, but like I said, I can't speak authoritatively on this.
Now, with these multiple crises, we are in need of support from our
international partners. This would be an opportune moment for the
Republic of Armenia to show its support for the people of Kurdistan.
4 - Armenians and Kurds, in many respects, have a shared history in
the region. In your estimation, should the problems of the past serve
to hinder prospects for greater contact and possible cooperation in
the future? Specifically, does the KRG have a position regarding the
1915 Armenian Genocide? If so, what is that position?
As Kurds, we understand the horrors and legacies of genocide. We have
always denounced the events of 1915. The pain of the past should not
hinder our future cooperation; today is a different era, and the only
path is forward.
5 - The KRG's website lists Armenians as one of the peoples inhabiting
Iraqi Kurdistan. Do you have estimates as to their number? Many are
descendants of Genocide survivors who fled the Ottoman Empire who have
retained their Christian faith. Are they represented in the parliament
of Iraqi Kurdistan?
The Constitution of the Kurdistan Region mandates 1 seat in parliament
be allocated for Armenians. 5 seats are allocated for Chaldean,
Assyrian, and Syriac candidates. The Kurdistan Region is an incredibly
diverse place, a fact that we celebrate. I unfortunately do not have
estimates as to the origin and population of the Armenians.
6 - On July 1, 2014, President Massoud Barzani of Iraqi Kurdistan
announced that "Iraqi Kurds will hold an independence referendum
within months." Given the region's booming economy based on oil
exports and the disintegration of the Iraqi central state apparatus,
such a notion might have sounded plausible then. What about now? Has
the ongoing threat posed by ISIL and the U.S. push for maintaining a
federated Iraq postponed such a move for independence?
Although independence is a dream in the heart of every Kurd, today we
recognize that ISIL is a cancer that must be stamped out, and this
drives our policy on this. We do not share more than a 15 km border
with Iraqi Security Forces, the rest of the 1030 km border is shared
with ISIL, a condition that no nation on earth could endure. In short,
we have much bigger issues to solve at the moment, and we recognize
our duty to act to counter this evil.
Gerard Libaridian
The Kurdish Region in the north of Iraq is not only de facto
autonomous, but also de jureautonomous. By and large it is de facto
independent. Whether or not the KRG achieves de jure independence is,
at this time, secondary. We [Armenia] have a number of good reasons to
establish some sort of diplomatic presence in Erbil and a few bad
reasons why not to do so.
Armenia's foreign policy should be based on a circumspect and cautious
realism. The KRG is only part of the very complex Kurdish issue. We
have talked too much about the Kurdish factor and done very little
about it. It is always advisable to have direct, and even formal,
contact with any state or political entity that affects its
neighborhood.
It is not clear to me why the Republic of Armenia does not, as yet,
have an official diplomatic presence in Erbil that could facilitate
the lives of Armenians in the KRG - both indigenous and refugees from
the rest of Iraq - as well as work with the Kurdish authorities toward
the goal of security, stability and development in the region.
It is possible that we should look at the degree of independence of
Armenia's foreign policy to explain the failure to establish the
consulate that the Foreign Minister of Armenia promised.
[Historian, political analyst and author Gerard Libaridian served as
Senior Advisor to Armenian President Levon Ter-Petrosyan for foreign
and security policies and Ambassador-at-Large with the rank of
Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary Ambassador, and Special negotiator
Secretary and Member of the Security Council of the RA from Oct. 1994
- Sept. 1997; First Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of the RA from
March 1993-Sept. 1994]
Vicken Cheterian
Armenian official presence in Erbil is late by some ten years. There
are three reasons for which Erbil, and more generally cultivating
contacts with various Kurdish representations, is important:
As Armenian communities in Iraq and elsewhere in the Middle East
became victim of radical Islamist repression, Armenians sought refuge
in Kurdish regions. The Republic of Armenia has the moral
responsibility to ensure their safety and well-being.
The Kurdish political factor is emerging in the region. Kurds are
Armenia's direct neighbors, while the KRG is an indirect neighbor -
just behind Turkey. Anyone, even without having a PhD in International
Relations, by looking at the map could tell you about the strategic
importance of the KRG for Armenia.
Erbil offers enormous economic opportunities, as it has its own rich
resources, plus 17% of Iraqi budget. An Armenian political presence
there could facilitate exchanges between Armenian industries and
service sector.
[Vicken Cheterian is a journalist and political analyst. He teaches at
Webster Geneva's faculty of media communications, and is a research
associate at SOAS's department of development studies. His next book
is Open Wounds: Armenians, Turks, and a Century of Genocide (C Hurst,
January 2015)]
Asbed Kotchikian
Establishing or maintaining diplomatic relations has to be based on
bilateral cooperation (economically and politically).
In other words what does Armenia have to offer to KRG and what does
northern Kurdistan has to offer to Armenia.
Establishing a diplomatic relation might trigger such interactions but
the question remains at what level and for what focused purpose.
Establishing direct flights to Erbil should develop some long term
economic and political prospects for both entities. However there
should be a clear and well-articulated (or at least well thought)
strategy as to what are the expectations from such a relationship.
Having diplomatic relations just for the sake of relations is
counterproductive.
Moreover, considering that there is an Armenian in the KRP
(parliament) and that there is a sizeable Yezidi community in Armenia,
those two factors could become a rallying point for the Armenian
government to at least establish a nominal presence in Northern
Iraq/Kurdistan.
Finally the establishment of any diplomatic mission or representations
comes with financial obligations and also a cost/benefit analysis.
Armenian diplomacy, being mostly reactive in the recent decade or so,
is in no condition to embark on such an endeavor unless it is
coordinated with the small Armenian community in northern Iraq and
also cooperating with individuals who have firsthand knowledge of the
region (either by doing business there or having been there many
times).
[Prof. Asbed Kotchikian is a senior lecturer at the Global Studies
Department at Bentley University where he teaches courses on the
Middle East and the former Soviet space.]
http://www.keghart.com/Gadarigian-BazNews-Erbil
Hrant Gadarigian, BazNews, 9 December 2014
Mr. H. Gadarigian, with roots in western Armenia, has been the English
language editor of Hetq Online, Armenia's primary independent
investigative news outlet since 2008.-Ed.
The de-jure autonomous Kurdish region of Iraq lies a few hundred
kilometers from Yerevan. Given its pivotal role as a regional player
and burgeoning economy, should we be concerned by the apparent lack of
bilateral contact between Armenia and the KRG (Kurdish Regional
Government)?
26 states now maintain some type of diplomatic representation in
Erbil, the capital of Iraqi Kurdistan. Armenia does not.
During a trip to Baghdad in February of this year, Armenian Foreign
Minister Edward Nalbandian announced that Armenia was planning to open
a consulate general in Erbil. Eight months later, this hasn't
happened.
Hetq sent the following questions to Mr. Karwan Zebari, Director of
Congressional & Academic Affairs of the Kurdistan Regional Government
(KRG) Representation in the USA, regarding diplomatic relations
between the Republic of Armenia and the KRG in Iraq.
Following Mr. Zebari's responses, we also present the views of several
prominent political analysts on the subject.
1 - 26 states now have diplomatic representation in Erbil, the capital
of Iraqi Kurdistan - Armenia is not one of them. This, despite the
fact that Yerevan and Erbil are a mere 282 miles apart as the crow
flies.
During his visit to Baghdad in February of this year, Armenian Foreign
Minister Edward Nalbandian announced that Armenia was planning to open
a consulate general in Erbil, the capital of Iraqi Kurdistan. To your
knowledge has it done so? Are you aware of any problems delaying the
opening?
I'm afraid I can't comment authoritatively on KRG-Armenia relations,
as my portfolio is US-KRG. If you want answers to some of your more
specific questions, I would recommend you reach out to KRG Department
of Foreign Relations. They would be able to comment directly on the
issue of an exchange of diplomatic missions.
These are very trying times in Kurdistan. We are fighting a war with
ISIL terrorists, and hosting 1.4 million refugees in our region of 5.3
million people, and for obvious reasons our focus has shifted to these
issues. Given the past delegations, I perceive KRG-Armenian relations
as quite good. It seems that there is about 1 delegation per year to
the region, which from my understanding has always gone very well. I
do not think there is a lack of will or indifference, by any means.
Establishing diplomatic missions is a long, process, and I think that
the situation on ground has dictated the speed with which we can seek
to complete these. Both the KRG and Armenia have always expressed an
interest in having diplomatic mission and I firmly believe we will see
them appear in the near future.
2 - Despite this absence of official diplomatic relations between the
KRG and Yerevan, Armenia does have an ambassador, Karen Grigoryan,
posted in Baghdad. To your knowledge, has Ambassador Grigoryan ever
travelled to Iraqi Kurdistan or contacted any KRG representatives in
an official capacity?
I am unaware of any trip by the current Amb. Karen Grigoryan, though I
do know that the previous Amb. Murad Muradian made at least one trip
to the Kurdistan Region, including one as part of the delegation from
Armenia's Deputy Minister of Economy, Mr. Tigran Harutyunyan, in
August 2013.
3 - Conversely, has the KRG ever contacted the Armenian government,
whether regarding trade, investment, or any other issue of mutual
concern? Does Armenia enter into the KRG's foreign policy sphere, and
if so, in what respect?
Given the past delegations, I would imagine our governments are still
in contact, but like I said, I can't speak authoritatively on this.
Now, with these multiple crises, we are in need of support from our
international partners. This would be an opportune moment for the
Republic of Armenia to show its support for the people of Kurdistan.
4 - Armenians and Kurds, in many respects, have a shared history in
the region. In your estimation, should the problems of the past serve
to hinder prospects for greater contact and possible cooperation in
the future? Specifically, does the KRG have a position regarding the
1915 Armenian Genocide? If so, what is that position?
As Kurds, we understand the horrors and legacies of genocide. We have
always denounced the events of 1915. The pain of the past should not
hinder our future cooperation; today is a different era, and the only
path is forward.
5 - The KRG's website lists Armenians as one of the peoples inhabiting
Iraqi Kurdistan. Do you have estimates as to their number? Many are
descendants of Genocide survivors who fled the Ottoman Empire who have
retained their Christian faith. Are they represented in the parliament
of Iraqi Kurdistan?
The Constitution of the Kurdistan Region mandates 1 seat in parliament
be allocated for Armenians. 5 seats are allocated for Chaldean,
Assyrian, and Syriac candidates. The Kurdistan Region is an incredibly
diverse place, a fact that we celebrate. I unfortunately do not have
estimates as to the origin and population of the Armenians.
6 - On July 1, 2014, President Massoud Barzani of Iraqi Kurdistan
announced that "Iraqi Kurds will hold an independence referendum
within months." Given the region's booming economy based on oil
exports and the disintegration of the Iraqi central state apparatus,
such a notion might have sounded plausible then. What about now? Has
the ongoing threat posed by ISIL and the U.S. push for maintaining a
federated Iraq postponed such a move for independence?
Although independence is a dream in the heart of every Kurd, today we
recognize that ISIL is a cancer that must be stamped out, and this
drives our policy on this. We do not share more than a 15 km border
with Iraqi Security Forces, the rest of the 1030 km border is shared
with ISIL, a condition that no nation on earth could endure. In short,
we have much bigger issues to solve at the moment, and we recognize
our duty to act to counter this evil.
Gerard Libaridian
The Kurdish Region in the north of Iraq is not only de facto
autonomous, but also de jureautonomous. By and large it is de facto
independent. Whether or not the KRG achieves de jure independence is,
at this time, secondary. We [Armenia] have a number of good reasons to
establish some sort of diplomatic presence in Erbil and a few bad
reasons why not to do so.
Armenia's foreign policy should be based on a circumspect and cautious
realism. The KRG is only part of the very complex Kurdish issue. We
have talked too much about the Kurdish factor and done very little
about it. It is always advisable to have direct, and even formal,
contact with any state or political entity that affects its
neighborhood.
It is not clear to me why the Republic of Armenia does not, as yet,
have an official diplomatic presence in Erbil that could facilitate
the lives of Armenians in the KRG - both indigenous and refugees from
the rest of Iraq - as well as work with the Kurdish authorities toward
the goal of security, stability and development in the region.
It is possible that we should look at the degree of independence of
Armenia's foreign policy to explain the failure to establish the
consulate that the Foreign Minister of Armenia promised.
[Historian, political analyst and author Gerard Libaridian served as
Senior Advisor to Armenian President Levon Ter-Petrosyan for foreign
and security policies and Ambassador-at-Large with the rank of
Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary Ambassador, and Special negotiator
Secretary and Member of the Security Council of the RA from Oct. 1994
- Sept. 1997; First Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of the RA from
March 1993-Sept. 1994]
Vicken Cheterian
Armenian official presence in Erbil is late by some ten years. There
are three reasons for which Erbil, and more generally cultivating
contacts with various Kurdish representations, is important:
As Armenian communities in Iraq and elsewhere in the Middle East
became victim of radical Islamist repression, Armenians sought refuge
in Kurdish regions. The Republic of Armenia has the moral
responsibility to ensure their safety and well-being.
The Kurdish political factor is emerging in the region. Kurds are
Armenia's direct neighbors, while the KRG is an indirect neighbor -
just behind Turkey. Anyone, even without having a PhD in International
Relations, by looking at the map could tell you about the strategic
importance of the KRG for Armenia.
Erbil offers enormous economic opportunities, as it has its own rich
resources, plus 17% of Iraqi budget. An Armenian political presence
there could facilitate exchanges between Armenian industries and
service sector.
[Vicken Cheterian is a journalist and political analyst. He teaches at
Webster Geneva's faculty of media communications, and is a research
associate at SOAS's department of development studies. His next book
is Open Wounds: Armenians, Turks, and a Century of Genocide (C Hurst,
January 2015)]
Asbed Kotchikian
Establishing or maintaining diplomatic relations has to be based on
bilateral cooperation (economically and politically).
In other words what does Armenia have to offer to KRG and what does
northern Kurdistan has to offer to Armenia.
Establishing a diplomatic relation might trigger such interactions but
the question remains at what level and for what focused purpose.
Establishing direct flights to Erbil should develop some long term
economic and political prospects for both entities. However there
should be a clear and well-articulated (or at least well thought)
strategy as to what are the expectations from such a relationship.
Having diplomatic relations just for the sake of relations is
counterproductive.
Moreover, considering that there is an Armenian in the KRP
(parliament) and that there is a sizeable Yezidi community in Armenia,
those two factors could become a rallying point for the Armenian
government to at least establish a nominal presence in Northern
Iraq/Kurdistan.
Finally the establishment of any diplomatic mission or representations
comes with financial obligations and also a cost/benefit analysis.
Armenian diplomacy, being mostly reactive in the recent decade or so,
is in no condition to embark on such an endeavor unless it is
coordinated with the small Armenian community in northern Iraq and
also cooperating with individuals who have firsthand knowledge of the
region (either by doing business there or having been there many
times).
[Prof. Asbed Kotchikian is a senior lecturer at the Global Studies
Department at Bentley University where he teaches courses on the
Middle East and the former Soviet space.]
http://www.keghart.com/Gadarigian-BazNews-Erbil