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The Reality That Is Armenia

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  • The Reality That Is Armenia

    THE REALITY THAT IS ARMENIA

    By Michael Mensoian // January 29, 2014 in Featured, Headline, Opinion

    Special for the Armenian Weekly

    Now that a new year is here, maybe we can resolve to spend some time
    thinking about what is happening in and to Armenia. We can recall
    the joy and the pride we felt when the second free and independent
    Republic of Armenia was declared in 1991 (please don't equate the
    Bolshevik-dominated republic as our second republic). It was a
    moment that many thought would never come, but it did. Since then
    Armenia has been beset by many crises: The devastation of the Spitak
    earthquake that occurred in 1988 was coupled with the total collapse of
    an economy that eschewed proven economic principles in order to meet
    the political objectives of the Bolshevik's new order. The liberation
    of historic Artsakh and the uneasy truce along the Line of Contact
    has created its own lingering set of problems, as has the presently
    moribund issue of the Turkish-Armenian protocols; looming large over
    all of this is Russia's influence that has, for the moment, shifted
    our orientation from the West to closer ties with Moscow. These have
    been difficult years, but Armenia has not only survived, it has made
    some palpable gains. Unfortunately, there is always thehowever that
    has to be considered.

    The however refers to the pernicious problems that plague Armenia.

    First is the high rate of unemployment and underemployment that is
    responsible for many families and most pensioners living below or
    close to the poverty level. Apologists will immediately point to
    the devastated economy (already mentioned) that Armenia inherited
    as the reason, or the shop-worn excuse that other countries have
    similar problems.

    They do, but in large measure our problems stem from the
    institutionalized corruption within the country that has its roots
    in the chaotic conditions that accompanied our independence.

    Unfortunately, what has evolved is a symbiotic alliance of governing
    politicians and monopolists able to exploit the economy for their
    personal enrichment. Unemployment, poverty, and the absence of
    opportunity are written off as collateral damage as these Apex
    predators within society amass wealth and influence to the detriment
    of the nation and its citizens. Whatever legitimate economic gains
    the administration has made (and to its credit, gains have been made),
    it is the shameful disparity in the distribution of the wealth that is
    produced that keeps poverty at over 30 percent; encourages emigration;
    and allows unemployment and underemployment to exceed 20 percent. One
    might question how this disparity in the distribution of wealth
    relates to unemployment. Oligarchs or monopolists (or however you wish
    to identify them) are not necessarily driven to expand the economy,
    because the more expansive and diverse it becomes, the more difficult
    it is to manipulate. Consider that in the poorest of poor countries
    where unemployment and poverty are rampant, the Apex predator is still
    able to amass wealth well beyond his needs from economies that barely
    seem to function. It belies the adage that you cannot get blood from
    a stone.

    Given this unhealthy concentration of power, Armenia is closer to
    an oligarchy in practice than the democracy that is defined by its
    constitution. A patina of social justice that can be burnished when
    necessary not only misleads us, but the great pride we have in our
    country encourages us to overlook the reality that is Armenia.

    Our problems are not due to a lack of resources that can be developed;
    or to the absence of a pool of intelligent and ambitious workers
    who could be retrained if required; or to the lack of energetic and
    creative entrepreneurs within and outside Armenia who would enter
    the marketplace to provide a range of goods and services that would
    increase employment and provide much needed competition.

    Rather, it is the powerful alliance of politicians and oligarchs
    that controls the marketplace by determining who can participate;
    the goods and services that may be offered; as well as the prices
    that consumers must pay. And in subtle and blatantly obvious ways,
    they are able to profit from the various public and private projects
    at the national, district, and local levels. The end result is an
    ever-widening gap in the distribution of the wealth produced (wealth
    includes wages/salaries, access to medical delivery systems, education,
    leisure time, housing, opportunity for self-improvement, etc.) to the
    detriment of the worker and his family. As long as Armenia's small
    economy (its present Gross Domestic Product, or GDP, is estimated
    at $10-$11 billion) can be manipulated by those who have acquired
    wealth, power, and influence, the quality of life for the majority
    of the people will not dramatically improve.

    For a country supposedly suffering from a battered economy that has
    resulted in high rates of unemployment and poverty, a recent study
    (Illicit Financial Flows from Developing Countries: 2002-2011,
    D. Kar and B. LeBlanc, Global Financial Integrity, December 2013)
    determined that Armenia had an illicit outflow of $6.2 billion
    during the 10-year study period. Illicit outflows are defined as
    "...all unrecorded private financial outflows involving capital that
    is illegally earned, transferred, or utilized, generally by residents
    to accumulate foreign assets." The annual outflow during the years
    2008, 2010, and 2011 exceeded $1 billion annually. This is about 10
    percent of Armenia's estimated GDP.

    The second problem is the lack of opportunity available for our
    educated and talented young men and women just starting out in life.

    Rather than the administration coming up with creative policies to
    underwrite opportunities for them to spread their wings (and be able
    to contribute to the nation's development), the system essentially
    ignores them. These are the men and women who, in the normal course
    of events, would be the foundation upon which our country's future is
    built. Having few to no options, many are literally forced to emigrate
    to other lands where their talent, professional skills, and creativity
    allow them to flourish. What a waste of human talent for Armenia. Yet,
    there appears to be no urgency on the part of opposition leaders or
    the majority of the hard-pressed citizens to confront an oligarchy
    that weakens the country and is destroying their future.

    The third problem is the continuing annual decrease in Armenia's
    total population. In 1991, the population of Armenia was estimated at
    about 3.5 million. Assuming a closed population (no immigration or
    emigration) and a slightly above replacement level fertility rate,
    the population of Armenia in January 2014 should have been no less
    than 3.6 million (a very conservative estimate), rather than the
    present estimated population of 2.8 to 3 million. This represents a
    decrease of from 600,000 to 800,000 people. How many of that number
    have permanently relocated is debatable. Without a significant increase
    in the birth rate and immigration, the population will likely continue
    to contract. And as the population decreases with more and more young
    people and families emigrating, the population will get older as the
    average age of those remaining increases.

    How will the needs of this expanding number of elderly people be met?

    As it is, most pensioners presently live below or close to the poverty
    level. A decreasing population has a wide range of serious implications
    for the country's future, such as family formation; birth rates;
    the size of the work force; ratio of retirees to workers; revenue
    collections; budget appropriations; the number of males available
    for future military service; the loss of potential leaders in all
    aspects of service to the nation; and the political status of the
    country within the South Caucasus.

    The approximately $2 billion that is remitted annually by Armenians
    working "overseas" (outside the country) keeps the economy afloat.

    However, for families separated for extended periods of time from
    the husband or father, there are serious emotional and psychological
    downsides. For Armenia, exporting workers is a stopgap necessity
    brought about by a combination of government policies and corruption.

    Unlike such countries as Egypt, Jordan, and Pakistan, to name only a
    few, where serious population and resource imbalances exist, exporting
    workers is an absolute necessity.

    President Serge Sarkisian will complete his second term in 2018.

    Armenia must endure four more years of the same failed policies. Four
    more years of corruption. And four more years of favors to be
    dispensed. In what condition will our country be at the end of his
    final term? Of greater concern is the fact that his hand-picked
    candidate in the 2018 presidential election will be elected, one way
    or another, to serve until 2023. Why? Simply because it is highly
    unlikely that a strong, energetic coalition candidate will oppose
    Sarkisian's alter ego in the 2018 presidential election, given the
    inability of the political parties to put the welfare of the nation
    ahead of their petty interests and jalousies.

    No change means that Armenia's future hangs precariously in the
    balance, along with the hopes and aspirations that fall under
    the rubric of Hai Tahd. The continuation of a Sarkisian-dominated
    administration beyond 2018 to 2023 should be cause for concern.

    Although some of the Apex predators may change (even they have to
    age or may opt to retire in comfort), the policies, corruption, and
    favoritism will continue. Is there another likely scenario to consider?

    Obviously there are individuals and families who have no reason
    to seek change. They are fortunate that life in Armenia does not
    present the hardships experienced by those living below or close
    to the poverty level--those who are unemployed or underemployed,
    forced to emigrate in search of a better life, or have a husband
    or father seeking employment outside the country to provide for his
    family. If the leaders of the opposition parties and the majority of
    the electorate who have legitimate reasons to seek change are unable
    or unwilling to confront the issue in 2014, will it be any easier in
    2018? And if the oligarchy continues to 2023, what then?

    http://www.armenianweekly.com/2014/01/29/the-reality-that-is-armenia/

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