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AL-Monitor
July 27 2014
Will Christians disappear from the Middle East?
by Jihad al-Zein
Translated by Cynthia Milan
Al-Nahar (Lebanon)
More than 60 years after the collapse of the Jewish element in the
Arab region and most of the Muslim world (because of the establishment
of Israel), the Christian element of today -- larger in numbers than
the Jewish one ever was -- is, for the first time, entering a whirlwind
which threatens its existence. This is because of Islamic
fundamentalism.
There are two main turning points for the demographic change in modern
times which transformed the identity of our Arabic societies, as well
as some Muslim ones.
The first is the establishment of Israel, which made our societies
almost completely lose the Jewish element. The Jewish groups were an
organic part of our Arab lives in Egypt, Yemen, Morocco, Syria and
Iraq, as well as in Iran and somewhat in Turkey. The deep tension that
followed the establishment of Israel by expelling the Palestinians
caused the Jewish existence to gradually fade out of the Arab
environment. Its existence in light of such a violent conflict has
become impossible for many reasons.
The second is the situation of the past 10 years, after the Iraqi
change and the Syrian outbreak. Syrian and Iraqi interference is the
second turning point which could lead to an imminent loss of the
Christian element in Syria and Iraq (not to mention the fact that the
Christian element is fading out of Israel and the regions it
occupies).
If the rise of Zionism is responsible for the historic course of the
Jewish element in our societies, then the rise of Islamic
fundamentalism is responsible for the situation of Christians today.
In the face of this catastrophic deterioration, what is the point of
talking about "moderate fundamentalism" and "extremist
fundamentalism?"
During the past 30 years, it has been made very clear that extremist
fundamentalism was born from the womb of what is now called "moderate"
fundamentalism. Here lie the common responsibilities of the Muslim and
Christian elites in the region: to find a way out of this
fundamentalism which is uncontrollably spreading in our societies and
countries, not only politically but also socially, culturally and
economically.
The Coptic Church in Egypt has entered, for the first time, a struggle
over the identity of the Egyptian government and has clearly sided
with the movement opposing the Muslim Brotherhood.
The currently democratic Turkish government, due to the circumstances
under which it was created in early 1920s, led the Greeks and
Armenians to fade out of Anatolia. It also led most Christians to fade
out of the region due to the religious background of the Turkish
(Muslim) conflict with the Greeks and Armenians (Christians). ... This
Turkish government is structurally insensitive to Christian existence
in the region and has long forgotten this time-honored tradition which
survived until the end of the Ottoman Empire.
Iran, with its religious regime, is also concerned about priorities
other than religious diversity. This is despite the fact that this
Iranian government has noticed -- through its interference with the
change that occurred in Iraq and the Syrian conflict -- the importance
of the threat to Christian existence in these two countries. The
clergy in Iran and the Justice and Development Party (AKP) in Turkey
have both learned from the Lebanese experience and from the essential
role of Christians there. However, what is feared is that all these
dealings with various Arab countries and societies is limited in
Iranian and Turkish speech to political and cultural etiquette.
Saudi Arabia is concerned about limiting the spread of the Iranian
"Shiite Crescent." Since 2003, it has been dealing with Iraq on the
grounds of protecting the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), not
defensively but offensively. However, the irony is that the same
kingdom leading the Sunni offensive against Iran is now fighting the
Muslim Brotherhood and has helped in eliminating it from Egypt. This
role might contribute in the future to turning the region into a
nonsectarian environment for conflicts.
Separately, Lebanese Maronite Patriarch Bechara Rai's visit to
Damascus and later on to Israel was not followed, in the course of
regional events, by any action from a political or religious official
or any committee representing Christians in the Fertile Crescent and
Iraq -- especially not from Lebanon -- that would indicate an
understanding of the existential danger facing Christians in the
region, specifically in Syria and Iraq.
The significance of the patriarch's visits goes beyond the actual
occasions. The first visit was to participate in the inauguration of
the Orthodox patriarch and the second was to accompany Pope Francis in
his visit to Jordan, Israel and Palestine.
Both visits indicate a change in the political behavior of the
Maronite Church, dictated by the unprecedented situation in the
region, which is now threatening -- and has already begun -- to
completely change the religious and cultural structure of the region
since the appearance of Islam in Syria and Iraq. However, the greater
catastrophe is that the political authority representing Christians in
Lebanon, which is the only strong bloc both politically and
economically among the Christians of the East (even though it is
demographically smaller than the Copts in Egypt), did not react to
this dangerous situation. This authority kept drowning in its personal
conflicts and foreign engagements, as if what is happening to
Christians in the region were not worthy of acting as if there is a
state of emergency and launching a much-needed new strategy.
Where is the true review, which requires more than simply going over
tactics and launching appeals? We say this while fully aware of the
engagements of the Sunni and Shiite political elites, who are
controlling their sects, as well as all the Lebanese political class
in conflicting regional projects.
In a time closer to (destructive) endings rather than (promising)
beginnings, it may be required that Lebanese Christian leaders deal
with the Christian cause in the region by considering Lebanon
"responsible" for the Christians' fate in the region instead of being
a mere witness. This requires a political responsibility that needs
new priorities. It requires setting a noble mission for all Lebanese
(and Arab) authorities, no matter what their confessions are.
http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/politics/2014/07/christian-state-emergency-iraq-lebanon.html
July 27 2014
Will Christians disappear from the Middle East?
by Jihad al-Zein
Translated by Cynthia Milan
Al-Nahar (Lebanon)
More than 60 years after the collapse of the Jewish element in the
Arab region and most of the Muslim world (because of the establishment
of Israel), the Christian element of today -- larger in numbers than
the Jewish one ever was -- is, for the first time, entering a whirlwind
which threatens its existence. This is because of Islamic
fundamentalism.
There are two main turning points for the demographic change in modern
times which transformed the identity of our Arabic societies, as well
as some Muslim ones.
The first is the establishment of Israel, which made our societies
almost completely lose the Jewish element. The Jewish groups were an
organic part of our Arab lives in Egypt, Yemen, Morocco, Syria and
Iraq, as well as in Iran and somewhat in Turkey. The deep tension that
followed the establishment of Israel by expelling the Palestinians
caused the Jewish existence to gradually fade out of the Arab
environment. Its existence in light of such a violent conflict has
become impossible for many reasons.
The second is the situation of the past 10 years, after the Iraqi
change and the Syrian outbreak. Syrian and Iraqi interference is the
second turning point which could lead to an imminent loss of the
Christian element in Syria and Iraq (not to mention the fact that the
Christian element is fading out of Israel and the regions it
occupies).
If the rise of Zionism is responsible for the historic course of the
Jewish element in our societies, then the rise of Islamic
fundamentalism is responsible for the situation of Christians today.
In the face of this catastrophic deterioration, what is the point of
talking about "moderate fundamentalism" and "extremist
fundamentalism?"
During the past 30 years, it has been made very clear that extremist
fundamentalism was born from the womb of what is now called "moderate"
fundamentalism. Here lie the common responsibilities of the Muslim and
Christian elites in the region: to find a way out of this
fundamentalism which is uncontrollably spreading in our societies and
countries, not only politically but also socially, culturally and
economically.
The Coptic Church in Egypt has entered, for the first time, a struggle
over the identity of the Egyptian government and has clearly sided
with the movement opposing the Muslim Brotherhood.
The currently democratic Turkish government, due to the circumstances
under which it was created in early 1920s, led the Greeks and
Armenians to fade out of Anatolia. It also led most Christians to fade
out of the region due to the religious background of the Turkish
(Muslim) conflict with the Greeks and Armenians (Christians). ... This
Turkish government is structurally insensitive to Christian existence
in the region and has long forgotten this time-honored tradition which
survived until the end of the Ottoman Empire.
Iran, with its religious regime, is also concerned about priorities
other than religious diversity. This is despite the fact that this
Iranian government has noticed -- through its interference with the
change that occurred in Iraq and the Syrian conflict -- the importance
of the threat to Christian existence in these two countries. The
clergy in Iran and the Justice and Development Party (AKP) in Turkey
have both learned from the Lebanese experience and from the essential
role of Christians there. However, what is feared is that all these
dealings with various Arab countries and societies is limited in
Iranian and Turkish speech to political and cultural etiquette.
Saudi Arabia is concerned about limiting the spread of the Iranian
"Shiite Crescent." Since 2003, it has been dealing with Iraq on the
grounds of protecting the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), not
defensively but offensively. However, the irony is that the same
kingdom leading the Sunni offensive against Iran is now fighting the
Muslim Brotherhood and has helped in eliminating it from Egypt. This
role might contribute in the future to turning the region into a
nonsectarian environment for conflicts.
Separately, Lebanese Maronite Patriarch Bechara Rai's visit to
Damascus and later on to Israel was not followed, in the course of
regional events, by any action from a political or religious official
or any committee representing Christians in the Fertile Crescent and
Iraq -- especially not from Lebanon -- that would indicate an
understanding of the existential danger facing Christians in the
region, specifically in Syria and Iraq.
The significance of the patriarch's visits goes beyond the actual
occasions. The first visit was to participate in the inauguration of
the Orthodox patriarch and the second was to accompany Pope Francis in
his visit to Jordan, Israel and Palestine.
Both visits indicate a change in the political behavior of the
Maronite Church, dictated by the unprecedented situation in the
region, which is now threatening -- and has already begun -- to
completely change the religious and cultural structure of the region
since the appearance of Islam in Syria and Iraq. However, the greater
catastrophe is that the political authority representing Christians in
Lebanon, which is the only strong bloc both politically and
economically among the Christians of the East (even though it is
demographically smaller than the Copts in Egypt), did not react to
this dangerous situation. This authority kept drowning in its personal
conflicts and foreign engagements, as if what is happening to
Christians in the region were not worthy of acting as if there is a
state of emergency and launching a much-needed new strategy.
Where is the true review, which requires more than simply going over
tactics and launching appeals? We say this while fully aware of the
engagements of the Sunni and Shiite political elites, who are
controlling their sects, as well as all the Lebanese political class
in conflicting regional projects.
In a time closer to (destructive) endings rather than (promising)
beginnings, it may be required that Lebanese Christian leaders deal
with the Christian cause in the region by considering Lebanon
"responsible" for the Christians' fate in the region instead of being
a mere witness. This requires a political responsibility that needs
new priorities. It requires setting a noble mission for all Lebanese
(and Arab) authorities, no matter what their confessions are.
http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/politics/2014/07/christian-state-emergency-iraq-lebanon.html