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GEORGIA ON MY MIND
Editorial 5-31-2014
By Edmond Y. Azadian
No, this column is not about Ray Charles' song, Georgia on My Mind,
nor is it about the southern US state of Georgia. It is about a
country of 5 million tucked in the Caucasus Mountains, a next-door
neighbor to Armenia.
The region is plagued by many complex problems, because of the rivalry
between regional and world powers. One of those problems is the Ottoman
dream of Pan-Turkism, which has been checked by the existence of two
Christian nations, Armenia and Georgia, blocking the eastward thrust
of Turkish nationalist powers.
In recent years, however, it has become apparent that Georgia's leaders
do not consider Pan-Turkism an existential threat to their country,
choosing instead short-term political accommodations with Turkey
and Azerbaijan.
Successive Georgian governments have consistently voted with Turkey
and Azerbaijan at the UN. But above all, they have been sanguine in
supporting any economic plan which intends to isolate Armenia. For
example, Tbilisi governments have joined rail and pipeline networks
which bypass Armenia.
As a Christian nation with a long history with the Armenians, we are
always deceived into thinking that a Christian nation's interests
would coincide with another Christian nation experiencing the same
predicaments. But Tbilisi has tried to dispel that notion time after
time by its hostile policies against Armenia.
Some foolhardy people sometimes blame the Armenian government for not
adopting a tougher stand against Tbilisi. However, while simmering
conflict rages with Azerbaijan, it is not wise for any administration
to open a second front on its borders, especially when its lifeline
crosses through the territory of that neighbor.
That is why we have considered Georgia as a friendly foe. But recently,
the Economist weekly has used another word which suits better the
two nations' relationship, "frenemies." The word was also used by
the magazine when Moscow and Beijing cut an energy deal worth $400
billion. Outwardly, it was a political scoop for President Putin of
Russia, in view of threatened economic sanctions by the West, but per
the Economist, Russian and Chinese national interests will diverge in
the long run. (The word frenemies, a mashing of friend and enemies,
is more popular with teens rather than nation states.)
Georgia is not only a worrisome neighbor through its international
relations, but also through its domestic policy towards its diverse
ethnic groups. Armenians constitute 6-7 percent of Georgia's
population, along with an almost equal number of Azeris. Armenians
are concentrated in the capital city of Tbilisi and in the Javakhk
region on Armenia's northern border.
The confiscation of Armenian churches and community properties has
not been resolved yet.
May 18-22, the UN Human Rights Commissioner Navi Pillay visited
Georgia and she expressed her concern over the Tbilisi government's
discriminatory policies with regard to its minorities and called for
the government to implement its own constitutional obligations and
respect international law.
That is, of course, a slap on the wrist which cannot have consequences
as long as Tbilisi's aspirations to join NATO can be manipulated by
the West to undermine Russian posturing in the region. Georgians are
very cognizant of that political reality and intend to continue their
discriminatory policies with impunity.
Javakhk was once home to a Russian military base, which provided
security and jobs to the local Armenians. With total disregard for the
Armenian population, Moscow liquidated its military base prematurely,
to assuage the Tbilisi government, which in turn promised Armenians
economic help, improved roads and communications, none of which have
materialized yet. The Georgian authorities blame Javakhk Armenians
for their economic difficulty, arguing they have failed to learn
the Georgian language. They are blamed for continuing to use the
Armenian language and practicing their ancestral traditions, even
though Javakhk has been a historic territory of Armenia.
The Tbilisi authorities have been implementing a two-pronged policy
towards Javakhk: persecuting human rights activists and assimilation.
In the first case, the religious and ethnic rights of minorities are
willfully trampled, which leads to the depopulation of the region. In
the second case, the remaining Armenians are exposed to an intense
Georgianization, forcing them to forgo their identity under the pretext
of creating job opportunities. The central government has introduced
cosmetic improvements in the region to deflect criticism.
The Armenian problem for them is not new. At one point, the government
intended to resettle in Javakhk the Meskhetian Turks, who had been
expelled by Stalin, in order to create ethnic tensions.
Another region of concern for Armenians in Georgia is Ajaria, which
became the Ajarian Autonomous Republic after the collapse of the Soviet
Union. Between 1991 and 2004, Ajaria's president was a local warlord,
Aslan Abashidze, who during the Rose Revolution sided with former
President Eduard Shevardnadze. When Mikhail Saakashvili consolidated
his position in Tbilisi, he gave an ultimatum to Abashidze, who until
that point was ruling Ajaria as a sovereign state. Saakashvili behaved
at that point in the same manner that he behaved later in 2008 against
Abkhazia and South Ossetia, using military force to subdue them.
But in the case of Ajaria, Moscow still believed that helping
Saakashvili would curb his anti-Russian zeal. Therefore, a helicopter
flew Abashidze to Moscow and the threat of armed conflict was
resolved. Ajaria fell under the control of Georgia, courtesy of the
Kremlin. That convinced Saakashvili that bullying will always win
but that gamble did not work in Abkhazia and South Ossetia.
Ajaria is a vital economic link for Armenia, which is already under
a crippling blockade by Turkey. Most unofficial trade and tourism
between Armenia and Turkey crosses through Ajaria. The region was
under Turkish rule for a while and the Georgians were forced to adopt
the Moslem religion. By the time of independence, Ajarians had mostly
converted back to Christianity. Today, the Turkish influence is so
great that 70 percent of the population has adhered to Islam.
In his quest to turn Ajaria into a tourist destination, Saakashvili
opened the floodgates to Turkish economic penetration. Parallel to
that economic drive, he offered citizenship to anyone who applied for
it. Already, 25,000 Turkish citizens have received Georgian citizenship
and they have taken white collar jobs in and around Batumi, unlike
Europe, where the Turks are mostly unskilled laborers.
The Turkification of Ajaria is moving on many levels especially
education and religion. Already there are 50 Turkish boarding
schools in Ajaria. An important factor in this Turkification drive
is ascribed to Saakashvili's mother, Giuli Alasania, a professor of
Turkish history who cooperates with Fetullah Gulen.
As we can see, a cross-border territory for Armenians is fast becoming
hostile territory. The long-term effect of this Turkification process
is that the road is being paved through a so-called Christian land
for pan-Turanists like Ahmet Davutolgu.
Georgia's political alienation from Armenia is further amplified
through its gradual integration of Turkish-Islamist mainstream.
Whether we sing Charles' Georgia on My Mind or not, we always need to
have in mind Georgia with its perpetually hostile posture vis-a-vis
Armenians and Armenia.
http://www.mirrorspectator.com/pdf/053114.pdf
Editorial 5-31-2014
By Edmond Y. Azadian
No, this column is not about Ray Charles' song, Georgia on My Mind,
nor is it about the southern US state of Georgia. It is about a
country of 5 million tucked in the Caucasus Mountains, a next-door
neighbor to Armenia.
The region is plagued by many complex problems, because of the rivalry
between regional and world powers. One of those problems is the Ottoman
dream of Pan-Turkism, which has been checked by the existence of two
Christian nations, Armenia and Georgia, blocking the eastward thrust
of Turkish nationalist powers.
In recent years, however, it has become apparent that Georgia's leaders
do not consider Pan-Turkism an existential threat to their country,
choosing instead short-term political accommodations with Turkey
and Azerbaijan.
Successive Georgian governments have consistently voted with Turkey
and Azerbaijan at the UN. But above all, they have been sanguine in
supporting any economic plan which intends to isolate Armenia. For
example, Tbilisi governments have joined rail and pipeline networks
which bypass Armenia.
As a Christian nation with a long history with the Armenians, we are
always deceived into thinking that a Christian nation's interests
would coincide with another Christian nation experiencing the same
predicaments. But Tbilisi has tried to dispel that notion time after
time by its hostile policies against Armenia.
Some foolhardy people sometimes blame the Armenian government for not
adopting a tougher stand against Tbilisi. However, while simmering
conflict rages with Azerbaijan, it is not wise for any administration
to open a second front on its borders, especially when its lifeline
crosses through the territory of that neighbor.
That is why we have considered Georgia as a friendly foe. But recently,
the Economist weekly has used another word which suits better the
two nations' relationship, "frenemies." The word was also used by
the magazine when Moscow and Beijing cut an energy deal worth $400
billion. Outwardly, it was a political scoop for President Putin of
Russia, in view of threatened economic sanctions by the West, but per
the Economist, Russian and Chinese national interests will diverge in
the long run. (The word frenemies, a mashing of friend and enemies,
is more popular with teens rather than nation states.)
Georgia is not only a worrisome neighbor through its international
relations, but also through its domestic policy towards its diverse
ethnic groups. Armenians constitute 6-7 percent of Georgia's
population, along with an almost equal number of Azeris. Armenians
are concentrated in the capital city of Tbilisi and in the Javakhk
region on Armenia's northern border.
The confiscation of Armenian churches and community properties has
not been resolved yet.
May 18-22, the UN Human Rights Commissioner Navi Pillay visited
Georgia and she expressed her concern over the Tbilisi government's
discriminatory policies with regard to its minorities and called for
the government to implement its own constitutional obligations and
respect international law.
That is, of course, a slap on the wrist which cannot have consequences
as long as Tbilisi's aspirations to join NATO can be manipulated by
the West to undermine Russian posturing in the region. Georgians are
very cognizant of that political reality and intend to continue their
discriminatory policies with impunity.
Javakhk was once home to a Russian military base, which provided
security and jobs to the local Armenians. With total disregard for the
Armenian population, Moscow liquidated its military base prematurely,
to assuage the Tbilisi government, which in turn promised Armenians
economic help, improved roads and communications, none of which have
materialized yet. The Georgian authorities blame Javakhk Armenians
for their economic difficulty, arguing they have failed to learn
the Georgian language. They are blamed for continuing to use the
Armenian language and practicing their ancestral traditions, even
though Javakhk has been a historic territory of Armenia.
The Tbilisi authorities have been implementing a two-pronged policy
towards Javakhk: persecuting human rights activists and assimilation.
In the first case, the religious and ethnic rights of minorities are
willfully trampled, which leads to the depopulation of the region. In
the second case, the remaining Armenians are exposed to an intense
Georgianization, forcing them to forgo their identity under the pretext
of creating job opportunities. The central government has introduced
cosmetic improvements in the region to deflect criticism.
The Armenian problem for them is not new. At one point, the government
intended to resettle in Javakhk the Meskhetian Turks, who had been
expelled by Stalin, in order to create ethnic tensions.
Another region of concern for Armenians in Georgia is Ajaria, which
became the Ajarian Autonomous Republic after the collapse of the Soviet
Union. Between 1991 and 2004, Ajaria's president was a local warlord,
Aslan Abashidze, who during the Rose Revolution sided with former
President Eduard Shevardnadze. When Mikhail Saakashvili consolidated
his position in Tbilisi, he gave an ultimatum to Abashidze, who until
that point was ruling Ajaria as a sovereign state. Saakashvili behaved
at that point in the same manner that he behaved later in 2008 against
Abkhazia and South Ossetia, using military force to subdue them.
But in the case of Ajaria, Moscow still believed that helping
Saakashvili would curb his anti-Russian zeal. Therefore, a helicopter
flew Abashidze to Moscow and the threat of armed conflict was
resolved. Ajaria fell under the control of Georgia, courtesy of the
Kremlin. That convinced Saakashvili that bullying will always win
but that gamble did not work in Abkhazia and South Ossetia.
Ajaria is a vital economic link for Armenia, which is already under
a crippling blockade by Turkey. Most unofficial trade and tourism
between Armenia and Turkey crosses through Ajaria. The region was
under Turkish rule for a while and the Georgians were forced to adopt
the Moslem religion. By the time of independence, Ajarians had mostly
converted back to Christianity. Today, the Turkish influence is so
great that 70 percent of the population has adhered to Islam.
In his quest to turn Ajaria into a tourist destination, Saakashvili
opened the floodgates to Turkish economic penetration. Parallel to
that economic drive, he offered citizenship to anyone who applied for
it. Already, 25,000 Turkish citizens have received Georgian citizenship
and they have taken white collar jobs in and around Batumi, unlike
Europe, where the Turks are mostly unskilled laborers.
The Turkification of Ajaria is moving on many levels especially
education and religion. Already there are 50 Turkish boarding
schools in Ajaria. An important factor in this Turkification drive
is ascribed to Saakashvili's mother, Giuli Alasania, a professor of
Turkish history who cooperates with Fetullah Gulen.
As we can see, a cross-border territory for Armenians is fast becoming
hostile territory. The long-term effect of this Turkification process
is that the road is being paved through a so-called Christian land
for pan-Turanists like Ahmet Davutolgu.
Georgia's political alienation from Armenia is further amplified
through its gradual integration of Turkish-Islamist mainstream.
Whether we sing Charles' Georgia on My Mind or not, we always need to
have in mind Georgia with its perpetually hostile posture vis-a-vis
Armenians and Armenia.
http://www.mirrorspectator.com/pdf/053114.pdf