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'The Great And Holy War:' How World War I Became A Religious Crusade

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  • 'The Great And Holy War:' How World War I Became A Religious Crusade

    'THE GREAT AND HOLY WAR:' HOW WORLD WAR I BECAME A RELIGIOUS CRUSADE AND RESHAPED THE RELIGIOUS LAND

    Wilson County News, TX
    Nov 5 2014

    By Dr. Robert H. Clemm

    Historian Fritz Stern once remarked that the Great War was the
    "first calamity of the 20th century, the calamity from which all
    other calamities sprang." On the centenary of World War I there
    is an overwhelming sensation of futility in the war's outbreak,
    its nature, and its legacies. WWI seems to have encapsulated the
    brutality, emptiness, and fatalism that would become the hallmarks
    of the 20th century.

    The war destroyed the world that existed in 1914; it toppled four
    empires, created the first communist state, and destroyed the
    confidence of western civilization. An entire generation seems to
    speak with one voice in Erich Maria Remarque's "All Quiet on the
    Western Front" that "the war has ruined us for everything."

    Working against this conventional wisdom is Philip Jenkins. In his
    masterful book, "The Great and Holy War: How World War I Became a
    Religious Crusade," Jenkins argues that WWI was not only a "thoroughly
    religious event" but an event which drew the global religious map as
    we understand it today.

    The religious character of WWI has often been seen in the polarization
    of either extreme secularization or extreme spiritualism. One
    view sees the Christian church as morally compromised by the
    conflict--Jenkins himself noting a 1916 poem describing the "church
    dead or polluted." Frequently, 1914 is viewed as the tipping point to
    the secularization of the 20th century. The other view is ascribed to
    spiritualist sightings of angels in "No Man's Land" or in the post-war
    fascination with seances. Jenkins moderates these extremes through a
    global examination of religion both before and after the war. While he
    does not dismiss secularization as a trend within western Christianity,
    he contextualizes the European response and suggests it was more the
    exception rather than the rule.

    As soldiers rallied to the colors to defend their nations, so
    did churchmen stand ready to drape those soldiers in religious
    iconography. Pastors readily painted their enemies as being in league
    with the devil while also clothing their soldiers in the language of
    the martyrs. Germany depicted their soldiers as crusaders defending
    their homeland, while the Allies saw religious significance to their
    capture of Jerusalem. As the war dragged on and seemed to unleash the
    Four Horsemen of the Apocalypse, clerics easily saw their figurative
    specter galloping across the globe as well.

    What might be most jarring for American readers, steeped in the
    Jeffersonian ethos of separation between church and state, was how
    readily American churches adopted this crusading rhetoric. It was not
    a militarist or politician who declared that he "would have driven my
    bayonet into the throat or the eye or stomach of the Huns without the
    slightest hesitation," but a Methodist minister. Jenkins traces how
    these close associations discredited religion. This led to gradual
    secularization and two wildly different trends. In Germany and Soviet
    Russia, the religious aspirations and rhetoric became affixed to the
    new "secular messiahs" of these two regimes in the post-war period.

    The collapse of the old church-state model, however, laid the
    groundwork for Christian Democrats and Catholic politicians to chart
    a future along a non-national path of European identity.

    It wasn't just Christianity but all of the Abrahamic religions that
    were changed by the war. The religious center of Christianity began to
    shift towards Asia and Africa. In fact, Africa may become the largest
    Christian continent in the world by 2030. As much as the Christian map
    expanded it also contracted during governmental persecution of Armenian
    and Russian Orthodox religious enclaves. The war was a double-edged
    sword for Judaism. Zionism became practicable with the collapse of
    the Ottoman Empire and acquired the enthusiastic support of American
    evangelicals who, even today, see the state of Israel as fulfilling
    God's providential plan. But the war also laid the groundwork for
    the Holocaust in the establishment of the "stab in the back" myth
    within Germany and the spread of "Protocols of the Elder of Zion"
    by Russian emigres fleeing the Soviet Union.

    Lastly, modern Islam is a byproduct of the collapse of the organized
    caliphate. Separate from an organized state, Islam was refashioned
    into a force of colonial resistance and political mobilization. This
    new-fashioned Islam would help create the state of Saudi Arabia and
    whose legacies extend today to the caliphates proclaimed by ISIL and
    Boko Haran.

    Jenkins draws on a poem by J.C. Squire which underscored the
    difficulties religions faced during WWI:

    God heard the embattled nations sing and shout,

    "Gott strafe England!" and "God save the King!"

    God this, God that, and God the other thing.

    "Good God!" said God, "I've got my work cut out!"

    God's role aside, Philip Jenkins firmly establishes that WWI did not
    just reshape the political landscape, but it created the religious
    world we exist in today.

    Dr. Robert H. Clemm is an assistant professor
    of history at Grove City College. - See more at:
    http://www.visionandvalues.org/2014/11/the-great-and-holy-war-how-world-war-i-became-a-religious-crusade-and-reshaped-the-religious-landscape/#sthash.zCmf9VuN.dpuf

    http://www.wilsoncountynews.com/article.php?id=62273&n=commentaries-great-holy-war-how-world-war-became-religious-crusade-reshaped-religious-land

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