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The Australian
Nov 7 2014
Appalling silence over Turkey's 1915 genocide against Armenians
by: GEOFFREY ROBERTSON
JUST before the invasion of Pol-and, Adolf Hitler urged his generals
to show no mercy towards its people -- there would be no retribution
because "after all, who now remembers the annihilation of the
Armenians?"
As the centenary of the Armenian genocide approaches -- it began on
April 24, 1915, the night before the Gallipoli landing, with the
rounding up and subsequent "disappearance" of intellectuals and
community leaders -- remembrance of the destruction of more than half
of the Armenian people is more important than ever. Yet, as Hitler
recognised in 1939, the crime the Ottoman Turks committed against
humanity by killing the major part of this ancient Christian race has
never been requited or, in the case of Turkey, been the subject of
apology or reparations.
The Young Turks who ran the Ottoman government did not use gas ovens
but they did massacre the men and sent the women, children and elders
on death marches through the desert to -places we hear of now only
because they are overrun by Islamic State. They died en route in their
hundreds of thousands from starvation or attack, and many survivors
died of typhus in concentration camps at the end of the line. The
government ordered these forced deportations in 1915, then passed laws
to seize the Armenians' lands, homes and churches on the pretext that
they had been abandoned.
The destruction of more than a million Armenians was declared a "crime
against humanity" by Britain, France and Russia in 1915, and these
allies formally promised punishment for what a US inquiry at the end
of the war described as "a colossal crime -- the wholesale attempt on a
race". But the Treaty of Sevres, designed at the end of World War I to
punish the Young Turks for the colossal crime -- now called genocide --
was never implemented.
Modern Turkey funds a massive genocide denial campaign, claiming that
the death marches were merely relocations required by military
necessity and that the undeniable massacres (the Euphrates was so
packed with bodies that it altered its course) were the work of a few
"unruly" officials. In Turkey today, you can go to jail -- and some do
-- for affirming that there was a genocide in 1915: this counts as the
crime of "insulting Turkishness" under section 301 of its penal code.
Ironically, in some European countries, it counts as a crime to deny
the Armenian genocide. The parliaments of many democracies -- France,
Germany, Spain, The Netherlands, Russia, Greece and Canada, for
example -- recognise it explicitly, as do 43 states of the US. The
problem is that Turkey, "neuralgic" on the subject (the word used
privately by the British Foreign Office to describe its attitude), has
threatened reprisals and is too important geopolitically at present to
provoke by stating the truth, lest it carries out threats to close it
air bases to NATO and its borders to refugees.
Thus Barack Obama, who roundly condemned the Armenian genocide in 2008
and promised to do so when elected President, dares not utter the
G-word. Instead, he calls it Meds Yeghern (Armenian for "the great
crime") and asserts that his opinion has not changed.
The same double standard has been adopted by the Australian
government. Tony Abbott, when opposition leader, did not hesitate to
condemn the Armenian genocide. But when the NSW parliament formally
recognised it, Turkey threatened to ban MPs from Gallipoli for next
year's Anzac centenary.
That doubtless explains Foreign Minister Julie Bishop's bizarre
statement in June that the events of 1915 were "a tragedy" but "we do
not recognise the events as genocide". She added: "The approach of the
Australian government has been not to become involved in this
sensitive debate." A sure-fire way of becoming involved in the debate
is to refuse to recognise the genocide, and she was duly hailed in
Turkey as a genocide denier. "Australian Foreign Minister: Armenians
not victims of genocide" screamed the newspaper headlines in Istanbul.
Telling the truth about this genocide has, for the Australian
government, never been more inconvenient. Although many of its members
will be at the dawn service at Gallipoli on April 25 next year, nobody
has yet been appointed to represent Australia at the international
commemoration in Armenia's capital Yerevan on the day before.
This is shameful because the Dardanelles landings were the trigger for
the start of the genocide, and (together with Russian military
activity on Turkey's eastern front) were used as an excuse for the
destruction of the Armenians, on the pretext that they might support
the allied invasion.
Even today, Turkey defends the death marches on grounds of "military
necessity", as if the destruction of civilians far from the front, and
the ethnic cleansing of women, old men and children, could ever be
necessary to gain a military advantage.
The evidence of the government's genocidal intent, in any case, is
overwhelming, coming as it does from appalled German and Italian
diplomats and neutral Americans, to whom the Young Turk leaders
admitted that they were going to eliminate "the Armenian problem" by
eliminating the Armenians.
There can never be justification for genocide. This was understood by
Raphael Lemkin, the Polish lawyer who coined the word and worked
tirelessly between the wars to have the annihilation of the Armenians
recognised as an international crime. The Holocaust soon provided
another example of the need for a convention to bind the world to act
against governments that seek to destroy racial or religious
minorities.
It is sometimes forgotten that Australia was first to take up Lemkin's
cause, through the foresight of Doc Evatt, who bonded with Lemkin and
introduced the Genocide Convention in 1948 during his presidency of
the UN General Assembly. Its definition of the crime, applied to the
undisputed facts of 1915, produces a verdict of guilt that is beyond
reasonable doubt.
It was, of course, a century ago: does it still matter? A century is
just within living memory: this year a 103-year-old woman, once a
small child carried by her mother across burning sands, took tea with
Obama and the world's most famous Armenian (Kim Kardashian). The
mental scars and trauma for the children and grandchildren of
survivors throughout the diaspora will continue until Turkey makes
some acknowledgment of the crime and offers an apology.
International law may provide some assistance: there are assets
expropriated in 1915 that can still be traced, and many ruined
churches that can be restored and returned. Armenians want restoration
of their historic lands in eastern -Turkey, which is asking too much
-(although I have suggested that the majestic Mount Ararat,
overlooking Yerevan, could be handed over by Turkey as an act of
-reconciliation).
But what they want most of all is what they are plainly entitled to
have: an acknowledgment from Turkey, and for that matter from the
Australian government, that what happened to their people in 1915 was
not a tragedy but a crime.
Geoffrey Robertson QC is author of An Inconvenient Genocide: Who Now
Remembers the Armenians?, published this month by Random House.
http://www.theaustralian.com.au/news/features/appalling-silence-over-turkeys-1915-genocide-against-armenians/story-e6frg6z6-1227116323776?nk=8527bf0e18c7931d2bfd0eff793e4a18
Nov 7 2014
Appalling silence over Turkey's 1915 genocide against Armenians
by: GEOFFREY ROBERTSON
JUST before the invasion of Pol-and, Adolf Hitler urged his generals
to show no mercy towards its people -- there would be no retribution
because "after all, who now remembers the annihilation of the
Armenians?"
As the centenary of the Armenian genocide approaches -- it began on
April 24, 1915, the night before the Gallipoli landing, with the
rounding up and subsequent "disappearance" of intellectuals and
community leaders -- remembrance of the destruction of more than half
of the Armenian people is more important than ever. Yet, as Hitler
recognised in 1939, the crime the Ottoman Turks committed against
humanity by killing the major part of this ancient Christian race has
never been requited or, in the case of Turkey, been the subject of
apology or reparations.
The Young Turks who ran the Ottoman government did not use gas ovens
but they did massacre the men and sent the women, children and elders
on death marches through the desert to -places we hear of now only
because they are overrun by Islamic State. They died en route in their
hundreds of thousands from starvation or attack, and many survivors
died of typhus in concentration camps at the end of the line. The
government ordered these forced deportations in 1915, then passed laws
to seize the Armenians' lands, homes and churches on the pretext that
they had been abandoned.
The destruction of more than a million Armenians was declared a "crime
against humanity" by Britain, France and Russia in 1915, and these
allies formally promised punishment for what a US inquiry at the end
of the war described as "a colossal crime -- the wholesale attempt on a
race". But the Treaty of Sevres, designed at the end of World War I to
punish the Young Turks for the colossal crime -- now called genocide --
was never implemented.
Modern Turkey funds a massive genocide denial campaign, claiming that
the death marches were merely relocations required by military
necessity and that the undeniable massacres (the Euphrates was so
packed with bodies that it altered its course) were the work of a few
"unruly" officials. In Turkey today, you can go to jail -- and some do
-- for affirming that there was a genocide in 1915: this counts as the
crime of "insulting Turkishness" under section 301 of its penal code.
Ironically, in some European countries, it counts as a crime to deny
the Armenian genocide. The parliaments of many democracies -- France,
Germany, Spain, The Netherlands, Russia, Greece and Canada, for
example -- recognise it explicitly, as do 43 states of the US. The
problem is that Turkey, "neuralgic" on the subject (the word used
privately by the British Foreign Office to describe its attitude), has
threatened reprisals and is too important geopolitically at present to
provoke by stating the truth, lest it carries out threats to close it
air bases to NATO and its borders to refugees.
Thus Barack Obama, who roundly condemned the Armenian genocide in 2008
and promised to do so when elected President, dares not utter the
G-word. Instead, he calls it Meds Yeghern (Armenian for "the great
crime") and asserts that his opinion has not changed.
The same double standard has been adopted by the Australian
government. Tony Abbott, when opposition leader, did not hesitate to
condemn the Armenian genocide. But when the NSW parliament formally
recognised it, Turkey threatened to ban MPs from Gallipoli for next
year's Anzac centenary.
That doubtless explains Foreign Minister Julie Bishop's bizarre
statement in June that the events of 1915 were "a tragedy" but "we do
not recognise the events as genocide". She added: "The approach of the
Australian government has been not to become involved in this
sensitive debate." A sure-fire way of becoming involved in the debate
is to refuse to recognise the genocide, and she was duly hailed in
Turkey as a genocide denier. "Australian Foreign Minister: Armenians
not victims of genocide" screamed the newspaper headlines in Istanbul.
Telling the truth about this genocide has, for the Australian
government, never been more inconvenient. Although many of its members
will be at the dawn service at Gallipoli on April 25 next year, nobody
has yet been appointed to represent Australia at the international
commemoration in Armenia's capital Yerevan on the day before.
This is shameful because the Dardanelles landings were the trigger for
the start of the genocide, and (together with Russian military
activity on Turkey's eastern front) were used as an excuse for the
destruction of the Armenians, on the pretext that they might support
the allied invasion.
Even today, Turkey defends the death marches on grounds of "military
necessity", as if the destruction of civilians far from the front, and
the ethnic cleansing of women, old men and children, could ever be
necessary to gain a military advantage.
The evidence of the government's genocidal intent, in any case, is
overwhelming, coming as it does from appalled German and Italian
diplomats and neutral Americans, to whom the Young Turk leaders
admitted that they were going to eliminate "the Armenian problem" by
eliminating the Armenians.
There can never be justification for genocide. This was understood by
Raphael Lemkin, the Polish lawyer who coined the word and worked
tirelessly between the wars to have the annihilation of the Armenians
recognised as an international crime. The Holocaust soon provided
another example of the need for a convention to bind the world to act
against governments that seek to destroy racial or religious
minorities.
It is sometimes forgotten that Australia was first to take up Lemkin's
cause, through the foresight of Doc Evatt, who bonded with Lemkin and
introduced the Genocide Convention in 1948 during his presidency of
the UN General Assembly. Its definition of the crime, applied to the
undisputed facts of 1915, produces a verdict of guilt that is beyond
reasonable doubt.
It was, of course, a century ago: does it still matter? A century is
just within living memory: this year a 103-year-old woman, once a
small child carried by her mother across burning sands, took tea with
Obama and the world's most famous Armenian (Kim Kardashian). The
mental scars and trauma for the children and grandchildren of
survivors throughout the diaspora will continue until Turkey makes
some acknowledgment of the crime and offers an apology.
International law may provide some assistance: there are assets
expropriated in 1915 that can still be traced, and many ruined
churches that can be restored and returned. Armenians want restoration
of their historic lands in eastern -Turkey, which is asking too much
-(although I have suggested that the majestic Mount Ararat,
overlooking Yerevan, could be handed over by Turkey as an act of
-reconciliation).
But what they want most of all is what they are plainly entitled to
have: an acknowledgment from Turkey, and for that matter from the
Australian government, that what happened to their people in 1915 was
not a tragedy but a crime.
Geoffrey Robertson QC is author of An Inconvenient Genocide: Who Now
Remembers the Armenians?, published this month by Random House.
http://www.theaustralian.com.au/news/features/appalling-silence-over-turkeys-1915-genocide-against-armenians/story-e6frg6z6-1227116323776?nk=8527bf0e18c7931d2bfd0eff793e4a18