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No consensus between authorities and public until fair elections held
in Armenia - expert
12:00 / 08.11.2014
Nyut.am conducted interview with the expert of political and electoral
technology Armen Badalyan.
- Mr Badalyan, what are the new qualities in the current movement of
the trio? Is there anything with which this movement differs from the
previous ones?
- Naturally, there are some differences. In particular, one of the
forces comprising the trio has television, has other mass media means
while previously the rest forces were deprived of it. It expands their
audience. The difference is great in financial respect as well.
Previously, the organizers of the movement faced certain financial
issues while today it is not so as one of the forces of the trio has
big financial resource. The third difference is connected with the
number of MPs. The previous ones either did not have them or just
one-two. For instance, during the 2008 presidential elections just two
MPs were engaged who later were arrested in connection with March 1
developments. The one was arrested, the other went into hiding for
quite a long time.
- And what about content? Is there a difference of content?
- As to the content, more right to say in political respect the
difference is that previously when movements were being formed Armenia
was not in such dependence from geo-political centers and Russia in
particular, while now it is. And whether it wants or not, the
circumstance of this dependence must be taken into consideration. If
to be clearer, you must come to terms with Armenia's membership to the
Eurasian Economic Union.
If to view wider, we'll see that just like during the previous
movements, during this time as well, the main content of the
opposition's activity is to present its programs, criticize the
authorities and try to come to power and implement own programs.
That is to say the main function of the opposition the main essence of
the movement is the same with just organizational differences.
- It may be concluded that the success of this movement is mostly
agreed with outside, in our case with Russia.
- Yes, it is so.
- Mr Badalyan, many are speaking about public consensus. Does it really exist?
- There is public consensus but not over the movement but over leaving
the homeland. If to view the immigration rate, we see a new phenomenon
which did not exist previously. In particular, in 2008, when the big
flow of immigration just started a tendency was being noted in public
moods: the people were a bit freezing their decision to immigrate to
show what the public fight will give. Currently, the consensus has
been formed in public and people are not waiting for hot autumns and
springs. As soon as they get an opportunity they leave immediately. I
mean that the public consensus is in immigrating and not in the
movement.
- Is there consensus between authorities and opposition, or more right
to say in authorities-public core?
- It will happen only in case of normal elections take place in
Armenia because the consensus between the public and the authorities
are free, fair and transparent elections. As far as the election
institute is not working in Armenia there cannot be consensus between
the people and the authorities.
- Do the authorities have enough resources to be able to confront the
movement if critical mass of people gathers in the square?
- It depends on vassalization process of Armenia. The issue is not
whether the authorities can confront if hundred thousand of people
gather in the streets. It can confront and even carry out what it did
on March 1, 2008. Theoretically everything is possible. The issue is
whether the authorities will be allowed to confront or not. The
permission is being given by Moscow.
- Many think that oligarch cannot fight against oligarchic system of
the authorities? Do you think so too?
- No, I do not. The world experience shows quite the opposite. The
best example is Ukraine's. Oligarch Poroshenko went against the system
he used to make part of. During Yanukovich's presidency he was economy
minister, he was foreign affairs minister and secretary of the defense
and security council. By the way the latter post is quite influential
in that country. Despite the circumstance that he was one of the
creators of the system people were complaining of, he went against the
authorities he fought and now he is the president of the country.
- Why do many political and public forces accept this movement rather painfully?
- About 75 parties are registered in Armenia's Justice Ministry but
only few are actually operating - Republican party, Prosperous Armenia
party, Armenian National Congress, ARF-D a bit and Heritage with some
restrictions. There are no other influential political forces,
parties.
The same related to the public organizations or the so-called active
political unions. They are not influential. They are rather small with
their resources and their influence.
http://nyut.am/archives/278250?lang=en
in Armenia - expert
12:00 / 08.11.2014
Nyut.am conducted interview with the expert of political and electoral
technology Armen Badalyan.
- Mr Badalyan, what are the new qualities in the current movement of
the trio? Is there anything with which this movement differs from the
previous ones?
- Naturally, there are some differences. In particular, one of the
forces comprising the trio has television, has other mass media means
while previously the rest forces were deprived of it. It expands their
audience. The difference is great in financial respect as well.
Previously, the organizers of the movement faced certain financial
issues while today it is not so as one of the forces of the trio has
big financial resource. The third difference is connected with the
number of MPs. The previous ones either did not have them or just
one-two. For instance, during the 2008 presidential elections just two
MPs were engaged who later were arrested in connection with March 1
developments. The one was arrested, the other went into hiding for
quite a long time.
- And what about content? Is there a difference of content?
- As to the content, more right to say in political respect the
difference is that previously when movements were being formed Armenia
was not in such dependence from geo-political centers and Russia in
particular, while now it is. And whether it wants or not, the
circumstance of this dependence must be taken into consideration. If
to be clearer, you must come to terms with Armenia's membership to the
Eurasian Economic Union.
If to view wider, we'll see that just like during the previous
movements, during this time as well, the main content of the
opposition's activity is to present its programs, criticize the
authorities and try to come to power and implement own programs.
That is to say the main function of the opposition the main essence of
the movement is the same with just organizational differences.
- It may be concluded that the success of this movement is mostly
agreed with outside, in our case with Russia.
- Yes, it is so.
- Mr Badalyan, many are speaking about public consensus. Does it really exist?
- There is public consensus but not over the movement but over leaving
the homeland. If to view the immigration rate, we see a new phenomenon
which did not exist previously. In particular, in 2008, when the big
flow of immigration just started a tendency was being noted in public
moods: the people were a bit freezing their decision to immigrate to
show what the public fight will give. Currently, the consensus has
been formed in public and people are not waiting for hot autumns and
springs. As soon as they get an opportunity they leave immediately. I
mean that the public consensus is in immigrating and not in the
movement.
- Is there consensus between authorities and opposition, or more right
to say in authorities-public core?
- It will happen only in case of normal elections take place in
Armenia because the consensus between the public and the authorities
are free, fair and transparent elections. As far as the election
institute is not working in Armenia there cannot be consensus between
the people and the authorities.
- Do the authorities have enough resources to be able to confront the
movement if critical mass of people gathers in the square?
- It depends on vassalization process of Armenia. The issue is not
whether the authorities can confront if hundred thousand of people
gather in the streets. It can confront and even carry out what it did
on March 1, 2008. Theoretically everything is possible. The issue is
whether the authorities will be allowed to confront or not. The
permission is being given by Moscow.
- Many think that oligarch cannot fight against oligarchic system of
the authorities? Do you think so too?
- No, I do not. The world experience shows quite the opposite. The
best example is Ukraine's. Oligarch Poroshenko went against the system
he used to make part of. During Yanukovich's presidency he was economy
minister, he was foreign affairs minister and secretary of the defense
and security council. By the way the latter post is quite influential
in that country. Despite the circumstance that he was one of the
creators of the system people were complaining of, he went against the
authorities he fought and now he is the president of the country.
- Why do many political and public forces accept this movement rather painfully?
- About 75 parties are registered in Armenia's Justice Ministry but
only few are actually operating - Republican party, Prosperous Armenia
party, Armenian National Congress, ARF-D a bit and Heritage with some
restrictions. There are no other influential political forces,
parties.
The same related to the public organizations or the so-called active
political unions. They are not influential. They are rather small with
their resources and their influence.
http://nyut.am/archives/278250?lang=en