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OTTAWA SHOOTING: IN THE SHADOW OF THE TORONTO 18
MacLean's Magazine, Canada
Oct 23 2014
Ottawa has a long history as a stage for militants--and lessons of
past breaches haven't always been learned
Charlie Gillis October 22, 2014
It's seen as one of the sleepier world capitals--Canadian staidness
wrapped in Gothic revival. But for political radicals and self-styled
terrorists, Ottawa and its landmarks have long been enticing targets.
>From the assassination of Thomas D'Arcy McGee, a father of
Confederation, to Wednesday's shootings, assaults on the symbolic
nerve centre of government, military and law enforcement have carried
extra resonance.
Wednesday's attack, for one, partially fulfilled a scenario plotted
in 2005 by a group of radicalized young men in southern Ontario said
to be inspired by al-Qaeda. The so-called Toronto 18 had planned
a coordinated, suicidal assault on the Hill involving truck bombs,
shootings in public areas and the storming of Parliament by armed men.
They hoped, among other things, to behead Prime Minister Stephen
Harper.
The scheme was distinguished as much by amateurism as
bloody-mindedness. With the help of a mole, Mubin Shaikh, a joint
task force of police and intelligence agencies was able to monitor
the men as they trained with guns and explosives near Orillia, Ont.,
then catch them attempting to order ammonium nitrate fertilizer, an
ingredient often used in crude bombs. In the end, seven men admitted
guilt in relation to the plot, while another four--including one
minor--were convicted in court. Charges against the other seven were
dropped or stayed.
Shaikh, then a Muslim activist, viewed the plot as fantastical. But
the impact would have been enormous if the men had achieved even
a fraction of their destructive mission. Court filings, he noted,
revealed that senior members of the Toronto group had cased the Hill
during their planning, marking out entrances where MPs came and went,
and noting how many--if any--armed security officers were on hand,
where they were located and what kind of guns they carried. "These
things were openly discussed," he says. "The plan was to have car bombs
go off outside as a distraction so guys could enter the building."
The case prompted parliamentary security to beef up screening protocols
for people entering the building. But there were signs afterward that
the area remained vulnerable. In December 2009, Greenpeace activists
managed to scale the West Block of Parliament and unfurl banners
decrying the government's failure to address climate change. Though
the group represented no physical threat, the ease with which it
pulled off its stunt alarmed some observers, including Shaikh. "I had
convinced myself that such a thing couldn't be done," says Shaikh,
noting that the 2005 plot involved gunmen storming Parliament. "How
wrong am I now? This is exactly what the Toronto 18 wanted to do. My
jaw is still wide open here."
It was by no means the first time that political and religious
militants have used Ottawa as a stage. McGee became a target of
Irish-Catholic radicals after denouncing the Fenian Brotherhood's
support for the U.S. takeover of Canada. On April 7, 1868, he was
gunned down on Sparks Street, just south of the Hill, on his way
home from a late-night parliamentary debate. He goes down as the only
federal politician to be assassinated in Canadian history, but not the
only victim of political violence in the nation's capital. In April
1982, Turkish military attache Atilla Altikat was shot and killed by
a gunman while driving to work in Ottawa. An Armenian militant group
claimed responsibility. Three years later, members of a different
Armenian group stormed the Turkish embassy, setting off a bomb at
the entrance and shooting security guard Claude Brunelle dead. The
armed trio surrendered to police after a four-hour standoff, but not
before the ambassador, Coskun Kirca, broke several bones jumping from
a second-storey window in a bid to flee.
Finally, in April 1989, a Lebanese-Canadian named Charles Yacoub,
armed with a .45-calibre handgun, hijacked a Greyhound bus and forced
the driver to take it to Parliament Hill--apparently in protest of
Syria's involvement in Lebanon's civil war. The bus bogged down on
the lawn in front of Parliament, but Yacoub held nine passengers
hostage for eight hours before surrendering to police.
Such incidents are a troubling reality of life in a world capital,
of course. In Washington, a fence-jumper who recently got deep into
the White House, and a gun-toting man who got into an elevator with
Barack Obama in Atlanta, have drawn attention to security measures
protecting the President, forcing the resignation of Secret Service
director Julia Pierson. And while peace-loving Ottawa seems an
unlikely site for radicalism, Canada's part in military coalitions
and counterterrorism initiatives is bound to put crosshairs on its
capital. As Shaikh puts it: "Ideology and [Canadian] foreign policy
are two powerful ingredients."
http://www.macleans.ca/news/canada/ottawa-shooting-in-the-shadow-of-the-toronto-18/
MacLean's Magazine, Canada
Oct 23 2014
Ottawa has a long history as a stage for militants--and lessons of
past breaches haven't always been learned
Charlie Gillis October 22, 2014
It's seen as one of the sleepier world capitals--Canadian staidness
wrapped in Gothic revival. But for political radicals and self-styled
terrorists, Ottawa and its landmarks have long been enticing targets.
>From the assassination of Thomas D'Arcy McGee, a father of
Confederation, to Wednesday's shootings, assaults on the symbolic
nerve centre of government, military and law enforcement have carried
extra resonance.
Wednesday's attack, for one, partially fulfilled a scenario plotted
in 2005 by a group of radicalized young men in southern Ontario said
to be inspired by al-Qaeda. The so-called Toronto 18 had planned
a coordinated, suicidal assault on the Hill involving truck bombs,
shootings in public areas and the storming of Parliament by armed men.
They hoped, among other things, to behead Prime Minister Stephen
Harper.
The scheme was distinguished as much by amateurism as
bloody-mindedness. With the help of a mole, Mubin Shaikh, a joint
task force of police and intelligence agencies was able to monitor
the men as they trained with guns and explosives near Orillia, Ont.,
then catch them attempting to order ammonium nitrate fertilizer, an
ingredient often used in crude bombs. In the end, seven men admitted
guilt in relation to the plot, while another four--including one
minor--were convicted in court. Charges against the other seven were
dropped or stayed.
Shaikh, then a Muslim activist, viewed the plot as fantastical. But
the impact would have been enormous if the men had achieved even
a fraction of their destructive mission. Court filings, he noted,
revealed that senior members of the Toronto group had cased the Hill
during their planning, marking out entrances where MPs came and went,
and noting how many--if any--armed security officers were on hand,
where they were located and what kind of guns they carried. "These
things were openly discussed," he says. "The plan was to have car bombs
go off outside as a distraction so guys could enter the building."
The case prompted parliamentary security to beef up screening protocols
for people entering the building. But there were signs afterward that
the area remained vulnerable. In December 2009, Greenpeace activists
managed to scale the West Block of Parliament and unfurl banners
decrying the government's failure to address climate change. Though
the group represented no physical threat, the ease with which it
pulled off its stunt alarmed some observers, including Shaikh. "I had
convinced myself that such a thing couldn't be done," says Shaikh,
noting that the 2005 plot involved gunmen storming Parliament. "How
wrong am I now? This is exactly what the Toronto 18 wanted to do. My
jaw is still wide open here."
It was by no means the first time that political and religious
militants have used Ottawa as a stage. McGee became a target of
Irish-Catholic radicals after denouncing the Fenian Brotherhood's
support for the U.S. takeover of Canada. On April 7, 1868, he was
gunned down on Sparks Street, just south of the Hill, on his way
home from a late-night parliamentary debate. He goes down as the only
federal politician to be assassinated in Canadian history, but not the
only victim of political violence in the nation's capital. In April
1982, Turkish military attache Atilla Altikat was shot and killed by
a gunman while driving to work in Ottawa. An Armenian militant group
claimed responsibility. Three years later, members of a different
Armenian group stormed the Turkish embassy, setting off a bomb at
the entrance and shooting security guard Claude Brunelle dead. The
armed trio surrendered to police after a four-hour standoff, but not
before the ambassador, Coskun Kirca, broke several bones jumping from
a second-storey window in a bid to flee.
Finally, in April 1989, a Lebanese-Canadian named Charles Yacoub,
armed with a .45-calibre handgun, hijacked a Greyhound bus and forced
the driver to take it to Parliament Hill--apparently in protest of
Syria's involvement in Lebanon's civil war. The bus bogged down on
the lawn in front of Parliament, but Yacoub held nine passengers
hostage for eight hours before surrendering to police.
Such incidents are a troubling reality of life in a world capital,
of course. In Washington, a fence-jumper who recently got deep into
the White House, and a gun-toting man who got into an elevator with
Barack Obama in Atlanta, have drawn attention to security measures
protecting the President, forcing the resignation of Secret Service
director Julia Pierson. And while peace-loving Ottawa seems an
unlikely site for radicalism, Canada's part in military coalitions
and counterterrorism initiatives is bound to put crosshairs on its
capital. As Shaikh puts it: "Ideology and [Canadian] foreign policy
are two powerful ingredients."
http://www.macleans.ca/news/canada/ottawa-shooting-in-the-shadow-of-the-toronto-18/