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WHAT TURNED ERDOGAN AGAINST THE WEST?
TURKEY PULSE
Turkce okuyun
TURKÄ°YE'NÄ°N NABZI
________________________________
Supporters hold up a portrait of Turkey's Prime Minister Recep Tayyip
Erdogan while waving Turkish and Justice and Development Party (AKP)
flags during an election rally in Istanbul, March 23, 2014. (photo
by REUTERS/Murad Sezer)
As any Turkey watcher would easily confirm, hostility to the West has
increasingly marked the rhetoric of President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, his
ruling Justice and Development (AKP) and pro-government media in the
past two years. Especially since the Gezi Park protests in June 2013,
the narrative of Erdogan and his entourage has revolved around Western
"conspiracies" and a "national will" that is bravely fighting them.
Summaryâ~N~Y Print The Turkish ruling party's fast-rising anti-Western
rhetoric may be a reaction to Western "meddling in our domestic
affairs" rather than opposition to the West's "imperialist" foreign
policy.
Author Mustafa AkyolPosted February 2, 2015 TranslatorSibel Utku Bila
Yet for those familiar with the AKP's 14-year history, this may
have come as a surprising turn. When the AKP was created in 2001,
hostility to the West was not something with which it identified
itself. On the contrary, party founders claimed to have disowned the
Islamist, anti-Western "National View" tradition from which they
came. Likewise, in the first years after the AKP came to power in
2002, Westernization (i.e., integration with the European Union) was
the party's prime objective. Back then, Europe was the source not of
treacherous conspiracies that had to be thwarted, but of democratic
criteria that had to be embraced.
Not surprisingly, the fiercest opposition to the AKP during that
period from 2002 to 2010 was mounted by the anti-Western breed of
Turkish secularists, known as neonationalists. This quarter -- whose
slogan is "Neither the US nor the EU, but a fully independent Turkey"
-- accused Erdogan's government of "selling Turkey out to imperialism."
In 2007, one of Turkey's best-selling books was nonsense titled "Moses'
Children," which declared Erdogan to be a "crypto-Jew" colluding with
the Elders of Zion. In the same era, the argument that Turkey should
move closer to Russia instead of the EU was promoted by neonationalist
generals, who would be implicated in the alleged Ergenekon coup plot
to overthrow the AKP.
So, what happened that things turned upside down in the past two
years? Why is the cry for a "fully independent Turkey" coming from AKP
quarters now? Why is a paranoia of "Jewish agents" seeking to undermine
Turkey being fueled by the pro-government press and social media?
Government quarters will likely answer these questions along those
lines: "The West is aggressive against Muslims. Palestine is bleeding.
Muslim blood is flowing in Syria. Egypt's legitimate Islamist
government was overthrown in a bloody coup. The West is responsible
for all these and standing up against Western imperialism is our
justified reaction."
This answer, however, is unconvincing for a plenty of reasons. Here
are some of them:
If "Western imperialist aggression against the Muslim world" is the
problem, then the US invasion of Iraq in 2003 was its most tangible
example during the AKP's rule. The invasion, however, did not turn the
AKP against the West. In fact, Erdogan, who was party leader but not
yet prime minister at the time, was eager to join the United States
in the war, but failed to persuade then-Prime Minister Abdullah Gul
and his party's parliamentary group.
If the Syrian civil war is the key problem of the past several years,
how it leads to blaming the West is equally hard to comprehend. For
if the AKP is to be angry with someone because of its aversion to
Bashar al-Assad's regime, this should be Vladimir Putin's Russia,
Assad's leading supporter. Yet, sympathy is the only sentiment for
Putin that one comes across in pro-government media. Erdogan's angry
tirades against the international community never target Putin,
either. (AKP quarters seem also untroubled by Putin's annexation of
Ukrainian territory, which has ruffled the Muslim Crimean Tatars).
When it comes to the military coup in Egypt, which truly unsettled the
AKP grassroots, it should have spawned reactions first and foremost
against Saudi Arabia, the most straightforward, resolute and powerful
supporter of coup leader Abdel Fattah al-Sisi. Again, though, we
have heard no tirades from Erdogan blasting the Saudi monarchy. On
the contrary, last week we had a day of national mourning after King
Abdullah's death.
In short, the strong anti-Western sentiment in the AKP world is hard
to explain with -- or at least only with -- the West's "imperialist"
foreign policy. What could be the actual reason, then?
In my view, it's the West's continuous meddling in "our domestic
affairs." In the past several years, not a month has passed without
a Western think tank issuing a report criticizing the state of press
freedom or judicial independence in Turkey. Western media are awash
with commentaries of a Turkey "moving toward authoritarianism." The
EU's progress reports warn of "regression" on democratic norms.
Washington often voices "concern" over the state of freedoms in Turkey.
Russia, on the other hand, never meddles in "our domestic affairs."
Moreover, Putin -- himself under Western fire over Russia's grave
record on freedoms -- praises Erdogan as a "tough man." Erdogan's
chief adviser, Yigit Bulut, in return, describes Putin and Erdogan
as the world's "two greatest leaders" today.
But then here is another question: The West was similarly meddling
in "our domestic affairs" a decade ago as well. Why was Erdogan not
angry at the West at the time?
The answer is not that hard to find. A decade ago, the real power in
Turkey did not rest with Erdogan, but with the Kemalist establishment,
represented by the military and the judiciary. Erdogan was in fact
under the threat of their iron fist. Hence, the West's meddling in
"our domestic affairs" and its pressure on Turkey to abide by European
norms was playing into Erdogan's hands.
In 2008, for instance, the European Commission's then-president Manuel
Barroso visited Turkey after a court case was opened to outlaw the
AKP. He urged the Turkish judiciary to respect the "Venice Criteria,"
which would rule out party closures merely based on ideology. It was
hard-core secularists keen to see the AKP banned who denounced this
"imperialist" meddling, while AKP members seemed quite happy with it.
Starting from 2010, the AKP subdued the old Kemalist establishment
and laid hands on "full power." With its newly found self-confidence,
the party went back to its own ideological agenda. Its intimidating
response to reactions from Turkish society served only to intensify
those reactions. Growing political tensions dragged the AKP into
a sharp us-versus-them rhetoric, in which the West morphed into a
diabolical force behind "the enemies within" -- such as secularists,
liberals and, especially, the Gulenists.
In sum, it's not the West, but rather the AKP that has dramatically
changed since 2002. (If any key change took place in the West, the
United States has shifted in a positive sense, moving from Bush's
aggressiveness to Obama's moderation). The fundamental change was
Erdogan attaining "absolute power." He refuses to tolerate any limits
imposed on his power by the international community and the liberal
values it promotes, hence he yearns for a "fully independent" Turkey.
In response to criticisms over press freedoms, for example, Erdogan
today tells the EU "to mind its own business."
None of these mean that all Western criticism toward Erdogan and
his government is justified. Some in the Western media have used a
prejudiced tone against Ankara, driven by ideological bias against
"Islamists," or as a reaction to Erdogan's conspiratorial narrative.
There is also no doubt that the Western foreign policy has no shortage
of hypocrisy. Washington's unconditional defense of Israel or leniency
for the coup in Egypt, for instance, deserve lots of criticism.
Moreover, some Western fiats on Turkey could be really driven by mere
interests, and resisting those fiats is certainly a rightful stance.
Yet still, none of these reasons fully explains, let alone justifies,
the categorical anti-Western rhetoric we hear from Turkey's ruling
elite today. The real explanation, I think, is their rejection of
Western-style liberal democracy in favor of a self-styled authoritarian
democracy. It is no coincidence that Hungary's anti-EU leader Victor
Orban agrees, for now he applauds Turkey, along with Putin's Russia,
as a good model for "illiberal democracy."
Read more:
http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2015/02/turkey-erdogan-anti-west.html##ixzz3QgOn8uRn
TURKEY PULSE
Turkce okuyun
TURKÄ°YE'NÄ°N NABZI
________________________________
Supporters hold up a portrait of Turkey's Prime Minister Recep Tayyip
Erdogan while waving Turkish and Justice and Development Party (AKP)
flags during an election rally in Istanbul, March 23, 2014. (photo
by REUTERS/Murad Sezer)
As any Turkey watcher would easily confirm, hostility to the West has
increasingly marked the rhetoric of President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, his
ruling Justice and Development (AKP) and pro-government media in the
past two years. Especially since the Gezi Park protests in June 2013,
the narrative of Erdogan and his entourage has revolved around Western
"conspiracies" and a "national will" that is bravely fighting them.
Summaryâ~N~Y Print The Turkish ruling party's fast-rising anti-Western
rhetoric may be a reaction to Western "meddling in our domestic
affairs" rather than opposition to the West's "imperialist" foreign
policy.
Author Mustafa AkyolPosted February 2, 2015 TranslatorSibel Utku Bila
Yet for those familiar with the AKP's 14-year history, this may
have come as a surprising turn. When the AKP was created in 2001,
hostility to the West was not something with which it identified
itself. On the contrary, party founders claimed to have disowned the
Islamist, anti-Western "National View" tradition from which they
came. Likewise, in the first years after the AKP came to power in
2002, Westernization (i.e., integration with the European Union) was
the party's prime objective. Back then, Europe was the source not of
treacherous conspiracies that had to be thwarted, but of democratic
criteria that had to be embraced.
Not surprisingly, the fiercest opposition to the AKP during that
period from 2002 to 2010 was mounted by the anti-Western breed of
Turkish secularists, known as neonationalists. This quarter -- whose
slogan is "Neither the US nor the EU, but a fully independent Turkey"
-- accused Erdogan's government of "selling Turkey out to imperialism."
In 2007, one of Turkey's best-selling books was nonsense titled "Moses'
Children," which declared Erdogan to be a "crypto-Jew" colluding with
the Elders of Zion. In the same era, the argument that Turkey should
move closer to Russia instead of the EU was promoted by neonationalist
generals, who would be implicated in the alleged Ergenekon coup plot
to overthrow the AKP.
So, what happened that things turned upside down in the past two
years? Why is the cry for a "fully independent Turkey" coming from AKP
quarters now? Why is a paranoia of "Jewish agents" seeking to undermine
Turkey being fueled by the pro-government press and social media?
Government quarters will likely answer these questions along those
lines: "The West is aggressive against Muslims. Palestine is bleeding.
Muslim blood is flowing in Syria. Egypt's legitimate Islamist
government was overthrown in a bloody coup. The West is responsible
for all these and standing up against Western imperialism is our
justified reaction."
This answer, however, is unconvincing for a plenty of reasons. Here
are some of them:
If "Western imperialist aggression against the Muslim world" is the
problem, then the US invasion of Iraq in 2003 was its most tangible
example during the AKP's rule. The invasion, however, did not turn the
AKP against the West. In fact, Erdogan, who was party leader but not
yet prime minister at the time, was eager to join the United States
in the war, but failed to persuade then-Prime Minister Abdullah Gul
and his party's parliamentary group.
If the Syrian civil war is the key problem of the past several years,
how it leads to blaming the West is equally hard to comprehend. For
if the AKP is to be angry with someone because of its aversion to
Bashar al-Assad's regime, this should be Vladimir Putin's Russia,
Assad's leading supporter. Yet, sympathy is the only sentiment for
Putin that one comes across in pro-government media. Erdogan's angry
tirades against the international community never target Putin,
either. (AKP quarters seem also untroubled by Putin's annexation of
Ukrainian territory, which has ruffled the Muslim Crimean Tatars).
When it comes to the military coup in Egypt, which truly unsettled the
AKP grassroots, it should have spawned reactions first and foremost
against Saudi Arabia, the most straightforward, resolute and powerful
supporter of coup leader Abdel Fattah al-Sisi. Again, though, we
have heard no tirades from Erdogan blasting the Saudi monarchy. On
the contrary, last week we had a day of national mourning after King
Abdullah's death.
In short, the strong anti-Western sentiment in the AKP world is hard
to explain with -- or at least only with -- the West's "imperialist"
foreign policy. What could be the actual reason, then?
In my view, it's the West's continuous meddling in "our domestic
affairs." In the past several years, not a month has passed without
a Western think tank issuing a report criticizing the state of press
freedom or judicial independence in Turkey. Western media are awash
with commentaries of a Turkey "moving toward authoritarianism." The
EU's progress reports warn of "regression" on democratic norms.
Washington often voices "concern" over the state of freedoms in Turkey.
Russia, on the other hand, never meddles in "our domestic affairs."
Moreover, Putin -- himself under Western fire over Russia's grave
record on freedoms -- praises Erdogan as a "tough man." Erdogan's
chief adviser, Yigit Bulut, in return, describes Putin and Erdogan
as the world's "two greatest leaders" today.
But then here is another question: The West was similarly meddling
in "our domestic affairs" a decade ago as well. Why was Erdogan not
angry at the West at the time?
The answer is not that hard to find. A decade ago, the real power in
Turkey did not rest with Erdogan, but with the Kemalist establishment,
represented by the military and the judiciary. Erdogan was in fact
under the threat of their iron fist. Hence, the West's meddling in
"our domestic affairs" and its pressure on Turkey to abide by European
norms was playing into Erdogan's hands.
In 2008, for instance, the European Commission's then-president Manuel
Barroso visited Turkey after a court case was opened to outlaw the
AKP. He urged the Turkish judiciary to respect the "Venice Criteria,"
which would rule out party closures merely based on ideology. It was
hard-core secularists keen to see the AKP banned who denounced this
"imperialist" meddling, while AKP members seemed quite happy with it.
Starting from 2010, the AKP subdued the old Kemalist establishment
and laid hands on "full power." With its newly found self-confidence,
the party went back to its own ideological agenda. Its intimidating
response to reactions from Turkish society served only to intensify
those reactions. Growing political tensions dragged the AKP into
a sharp us-versus-them rhetoric, in which the West morphed into a
diabolical force behind "the enemies within" -- such as secularists,
liberals and, especially, the Gulenists.
In sum, it's not the West, but rather the AKP that has dramatically
changed since 2002. (If any key change took place in the West, the
United States has shifted in a positive sense, moving from Bush's
aggressiveness to Obama's moderation). The fundamental change was
Erdogan attaining "absolute power." He refuses to tolerate any limits
imposed on his power by the international community and the liberal
values it promotes, hence he yearns for a "fully independent" Turkey.
In response to criticisms over press freedoms, for example, Erdogan
today tells the EU "to mind its own business."
None of these mean that all Western criticism toward Erdogan and
his government is justified. Some in the Western media have used a
prejudiced tone against Ankara, driven by ideological bias against
"Islamists," or as a reaction to Erdogan's conspiratorial narrative.
There is also no doubt that the Western foreign policy has no shortage
of hypocrisy. Washington's unconditional defense of Israel or leniency
for the coup in Egypt, for instance, deserve lots of criticism.
Moreover, some Western fiats on Turkey could be really driven by mere
interests, and resisting those fiats is certainly a rightful stance.
Yet still, none of these reasons fully explains, let alone justifies,
the categorical anti-Western rhetoric we hear from Turkey's ruling
elite today. The real explanation, I think, is their rejection of
Western-style liberal democracy in favor of a self-styled authoritarian
democracy. It is no coincidence that Hungary's anti-EU leader Victor
Orban agrees, for now he applauds Turkey, along with Putin's Russia,
as a good model for "illiberal democracy."
Read more:
http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2015/02/turkey-erdogan-anti-west.html##ixzz3QgOn8uRn