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  • Sevan Nisanyan Is Facing Imprisonment For 'Denigrating Religious Val

    SEVAN NISANYAN IS FACING IMPRISONMENT FOR 'DENIGRATING RELIGIOUS VALUES'

    5 February 2015

    Sevan NiÅ~_anyan is a controversial figure in Turkey for his harsh
    critiques of Kemalism, Islam as well as his outspoken opposition to
    the Turkish authorities' refusal to acknowledge that there had been
    an Armenian genocide.

    Sevan NiÅ~_anyan is a writer, linguist, hotelier and public
    intellectual from Turkey's Armenian minority, whose etymological
    dictionaries, travel books and treatises on Turkish, Islamic and
    Anatolian culture have been widely hailed for their importance to
    contemporary Turkish cultural discourse. He is a controversial figure
    in Turkey for his harsh critiques of Kemalism (the ideology of the
    founder of modern Turkey, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk) and Islam as well
    as his outspoken opposition to the Turkish authorities' refusal to
    acknowledge that there had been an Armenian genocide.

    One of the biggest controversies in which NiÅ~_anyan has been
    involved relates to a blog post he made in September 2012. Writing
    in his personal blog, NiÅ~_anyan criticised the government's call
    to introduce a new 'hate speech' bill in response to the release
    of the film The Innocence of Muslims. The film led to widespread
    protests around the world as a result of its unflattering depiction
    of the prophet Muhammad. Writing in defence of the right to freedom
    of expression, NiÅ~_anyan criticised the government's attempts to
    prohibit criticism of the historical Muhammad.

    NiÅ~_anyan's blog post was deemed by the public prosecutor's office
    to constitute religious defamation and he was charged under Article
    216/3 of the Turkish Penal Code. On 22 May 2013, an Istanbul court
    found him guilty and he was sentenced to 15.5 months in prison. This
    conviction and prison sentence remains under appeal.

    PEN International notes that NiÅ~_anyan faces further possible
    imprisonment as punishment for offending Turkey's conservative
    elite and is gravely concerned that his conviction and sentence are
    motivated by animosity for his legitimate expression as a public
    intellectual. The organisation believes that NiÅ~_anyan's comments
    fall well within the realm of legitimate historical and religious
    criticism and that his conviction for religious defamation is a
    violation of his right to freedom of expression as well as his right
    to freedom of thought, conscience and religion/belief. Both these
    rights are protected under Articles 18 and 19 of the International
    Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and Articles 9 and 10
    of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR), to which Turkey
    is a state party.

    Article 216/3 functions as a blasphemy law by criminalising the public
    'denigration' of religious values. This article has been criticised
    for affording different levels of protection to different religions or
    beliefs and for being applied in a discriminatory manner, particularly
    towards unorthodox, non-religious or anti-religious beliefs. These
    concerns have been highlighted in the cases of renowned concert
    pianist and composer Fazil Say, and journalists Ceyda Karan and Hikmet
    Cetinkaya. PEN reiterates the comment made in the Rabat Plan of Action
    on the prohibition of advocacy of national, racial or religious
    hatred regarding blasphemy laws: 'The right to freedom of religion
    or belief, as enshrined in relevant international legal standards,
    does not include the right to have a religion or a belief that is
    free from criticism or ridicule'. PEN believes that the fundamental
    human right to freedom of expression guarantees the right to express
    critical views, even those that offend, shock or disturb. PEN calls
    on the Turkish authorities to repeal Article 216/3 and drop all cases
    against writers under this law for their legitimate expression.

    The interview below was conducted with the help of Sait Cetinoglu,
    who very kindly relayed PEN's questions to NiÅ~_anyan in Yenipazar
    prison, where the Armenian-Turkish writer is currently serving a
    two-year sentence as a result of a separate construction dispute with
    the Turkish authorities.

    A case was brought against you for a piece you wrote on your personal
    blog. What does the bringing of this case and the fact that you were
    convicted at its conclusion tell us about the state of freedom of
    expression in Turkey?

    The blog piece for which I was prosecuted and convicted argued simply
    that disrespectful speech about an ancient Arab leader - implying the
    prophet of Islam - was a matter of free speech that should be under
    the protection of law. It employed mildly disrespectful language
    about the prophet to illustrate the point.

    As a result I was attacked in vile language by a government minister,
    a top aide to the then prime minister, and the top religious official
    of the country; several newspapers launched a lynching campaign;
    I received hundreds of death threats; I was prosecuted in about a
    dozen courts around the country; and I was sentenced to 15.5 months
    in jail for blasphemy.

    I believe the case illustrates how gravely free speech is imperilled
    in this country; at least as far as Islamic prejudices are concerned.

    What did the court point to as its reasoning behind this decision?

    The court made a rather tendentious attempt to base its decision on
    some precedents from the European Court of Human Rights. It also
    asserted, without evidence, that my blog piece "threatened public
    order". It was necessary to add that bit to have a case under article
    216 of the Penal Code, which criminalizes religious blasphemy where
    it threatens public order.

    What was it about these arguments that you found objectionable and
    do you think they represent an undue restriction on your right to
    freedom of expression?

    I believe this country, as well as the world at large, urgently needs
    a serious debate about the role of Islam in modern society. But that
    debate is impossible if every phrase that is contrary to the beliefs,
    prejudices, habits or sensitivities of the self-appointed spokesmen
    of Islam is going to be banned or prosecuted or greeted with paroxysms
    of rage.

    What kind of impact do cases like these have on outspoken critics
    such as yourself as well as ordinary members of the public?

    The ordinary public is cowed. The outspoken critics are likely to
    hold out longer, but the spiralling pace of repression will eventually
    make many of them think again.

    What kind of impact do such court cases have on your writing?

    I have been in jail for a year now. That obviously has a dampening
    effect on one's writing. I use the time to concentrate on my academic
    research, which is in historical linguistics.

    Why is it important that forms of expression that offend, shock,
    disturb are worthy of protection?

    Anything that is genuinely new for a society will by definition offend,
    shock or disturb. You cannot swim against the current of received
    opinion without touching the nerves of the owners of received opinion.

    You could either let things run in their established rut, or else
    you must encourage and protect those who risk offense and shock by
    seeking new paths of thought. Some of offenders may be purveyors
    of junk. But you cannot expect to hear anything new unless you are
    prepared to tolerate a certain amount of junk.

    In recent years, cases brought under Article 216 of the Turkish Penal
    Code have been increasingly coming to prominence; indeed some have
    described Article 216 as Turkey's new Article 301. What does this
    tell us about the way taboos have changed in Turkey in recent years?

    Article 216 is actually a reasonably phrased piece of legislation. In
    a sane environment it could be used to penalize vilification campaigns
    against, for example, the Jews or other religious minorities. The
    problem is that most Turkish courts take it as their duty to
    uphold government authority at all costs against the claims of any
    individual or minority interest. Nationalism was the sacred cow of
    Turkish governments until 2002; so free thinkers and dissidents were
    prosecuted for touching that particular bovine. Now Islam is the
    sacred cow, and one must be careful not be irritate this one.

    Opinions expressed by NiÅ~_anyan in this interview do not necessarily
    reflect or represent the views of PEN International.

    http://www.pen-international.org/newsitems/turkey-pen-talks-to-writer-and-intellectual-sevan-nisanyan-who-is-facing-imprisonment-for-denigrating-religious-values/#sthash.6AGdFNL5.dpuf

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