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  • Book: Fighting over the bones: Every country wanted to feast on the

    The Sunday Times (London)
    February 15, 2015 Sunday


    Fighting over the bones: Every country wanted to feast on the failing
    Ottoman Empire, and we're still dealing with the mess today

    by Max Hastings


    THE FALL OF THE OTTOMANS The Great War in the Middle East, 1914-1920
    by EUGENE ROGAN Allen Lane £25/ebook £19.99 pp485

    It is an impossible task, either to identify a nation's rightful
    frontiers, or to arbitrate beyond controversy where virtue lies in
    international disputes. The Ottoman Empire, the 19th century's Sick
    Man, was a focus of greed for all the European powers, licking their
    lips for a share of its carcass. The Germans and Russians wanted
    control of the Dardanelles, and in the wars of the 1870s Russia helped
    itself to the Caucasus and gained sway in several of the newly
    independent Balkan states.

    The British took Cyprus, controlled Egypt and developed a keen
    appetite for Iraqi oil. France grabbed Morocco, and coveted Syria and
    Lebanon. Italy gobbled Libya. But was the moral claim of the Ottomans
    to rule any of these societies, not to mention Arabia, any stronger
    than that of the British to hold India? Few in those days believed in
    the rights of relatively "primitive" peoples to self-determination:
    the Americans had only just finished exterminating their own
    indigenous population. The Ottomans were scarcely enlightened despots.
    They drove many ethnic Greeks out of Turkey.

    One of the final deeds of the Empire was the 1915-16 Armenian
    genocide, vividly described in this book, and probably responsible for
    1m deaths. This was the first occasion in modern history when the word
    "cleansing" was used, to describe the systematic slaughter of an
    unwanted minority, in this case Christians.

    To say all this is not to offer a verdict, but merely to reflect on
    what a muddle history is, with the Ottoman Empire a bigger muddle than
    most. Eugene Rogan is an Oxford history lecturer and author of an
    exemplary work called The Arabs, who now addresses the events of the
    First World War in the Middle East, after the Young Turks who had
    seized control in Constantinople in 1908 threw in their lot with the
    Central Powers, entering the conflict in November 1914.

    In August, Winston Churchill, first lord of the admiralty, had
    summarily requisitioned in their British shipyards two new
    dreadnoughts, bought by Turkish public subscription. It remains a moot
    point whether this was a necessary act, or a blunder which did much to
    drive the Turks into Berlin's arms. Probably fear of Russia and hopes
    of using German support to regain their Balkan provinces would have
    caused them to fight anyway.

    Rogan is an excellent historian, who does a fine job of recounting the
    littleknown Russo-Turkish campaign in the Caucasus. The British
    operation in Mesopotamia - modern Iraq - was a masterpiece of folly.
    Having effortlessly seized the oil port of Basra at the outset, they
    should have sat on their winnings.

    Instead, they launched the fatally hubristic 1915 drive for Baghdad,
    which ended in humiliation when the British garrison of Kut was
    obliged to surrender after a siege of 145 days. Lord Kitchener,
    secretary of state for war, made a memorable contribution to the Kut
    story: assuming that all Turks were infinitely corruptible, he
    suggested that, rather than try to fight its way into Kut, the relief
    force should offer the local enemy commander an enormous bribe to
    retreat. Instead, the British commander, Major General Sir Charles
    Townshend, was forced to capitulate. Shamefully, British officer
    prisoners, headed by the general himself, accepted comfortable terms
    of confinement, while their 13,000 men suffered unspeakable
    privations, and many died. Not until 1917-18 was a British army strong
    enough to venture a snail's pace advance on Baghdad. Further west,
    having repulsed a shambling Turkish advance on the Suez Canal, British
    forces launched a drive across Sinai which was also mightily bungled,
    and achieved success only when Field Marshal Allenby entered Jerusalem
    on Christmas Day 1917.

    Rogan's account of the Gallipoli saga is unexceptionable, but,
    inevitably, there is little fresh to be said. Lord Curzon, a member of
    the War Cabinet, wrote of Britain's 1914-16 operations against the
    Turks: "A more shocking exposure of official blundering and
    incompetence official blunder-has not in my opinion been made, at any
    rate since the Crimean War."

    Part of the trouble thereafter was that Britain, having entered the
    war in principled support of Belgium, became ever more greedy to
    reclaim some of the appalling cost in lives and treasure by acquiring
    useful booty from the enemy. Iraq's oil was the most conspicuous
    prize, but duplicitous promises were also made for Bedouin services in
    the Arab Revolt.

    In 1917 the British began to use poison gas against the Turks in
    Palestine in 1917. The other side behaved equally badly. Berlin had
    been striving to promote a Muslim jihad against the British even
    before war came, and the Turks hanged Arab nationalists by the score.
    Prisoners of the Ottomans suffered terribly.

    Allenby finished his war by capturing Damascus, and only the
    Bolsheviks' triumph spared Turkey from Russian predation. At the
    Versailles conference, the Ottoman Empire was broken up. The Arabs
    lost their Turkish masters, only to substitute British and French
    ones. The surge of Jewish immigration to Palestine that followed the
    1917 Balfour Declaration provoked rioting in Jerusalem in 1920-21.

    Rogan has written an impressively sound and fair-minded account of the
    fall of the Ottoman Empire, rather than a ground-breaking one. A
    reader is left struggling to decide which nation or faction comes
    worst out of the story.

    The author concludes by noting that Islamic State tweeted in 2014 that
    it was committed to "smashing Sykes-Picot", the notorious 1916
    Franco-British treaty that determined the shape of the region. "One
    century on," writes Rogan, "the borders of the Middle East remain
    controversial - and volatile." Who can say how, in our lifetimes, they
    may change? And who dares to decree how they ought? ? Available at the
    Bookshop price of £20 (inc p&p) and £19.99 (ebook) on 0845 271 2135

    The British campaign in Mesopotamia was a masterpiece of folly



    From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress
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