Announcement

Collapse
No announcement yet.

Yetvart Danzikyan: Davutoglu's `family' dinner

Collapse
X
 
  • Filter
  • Time
  • Show
Clear All
new posts

  • Yetvart Danzikyan: Davutoglu's `family' dinner

    AGOS, Istanbul
    Jan 3 2015

    Yetvart Danzikyan: DavutoÄ?lu's `family' dinner

    Yetvart Danzikyan 01.03.2015 13:56 NEWS

    Yetvart Danzikyan on the official dinner Prime Minister DavutoÄ?lu held
    for religious leaders: `This is, of course, a positive meeting, and
    the messages that have come out of the dinner are also positive.
    However, regarding the issue of representation, one must accept that
    there is something strange about the other side of the dinner table.
    It is part of the job of the Prime Minister to hold such meetings, but
    once you describe it as a `family' dinner, we have to ask what kind of
    family we are talking about here, and about those who have been left
    out.'

    On January 2, Friday, Prime Minister DavutoÄ?lu had dinner with the¦
    You know¦ Well, were they the representatives of minority communities
    in Turkey? No, not really. Representatives of the non-Muslim minority
    communities? That's how the official press agency Anadolu Agency chose
    to word it¦ But that's still not it, these guys were men of god. And
    it is quite a mouthful, isn't it,
    non-Muslim-minority-community-representatives. Anyway, we have a
    problem with the word representative, too. Whatever, it's a hazardous
    issue. So, one by one, these are the people Prime Minister DavutoÄ?lu
    met with:

    Ecumenical Patriarch Bartholomeos, Deputy Patriarch of the Greek
    Orthodox Church Peter Stefanos, Turkey Chaldean Catholic Community
    Patriarchal Vicar François Yakan, Patriarchal Vicar of the Syriac
    Orthodox Church in Istanbul and Ankara, Turkey's envoy to the Vatican
    Mehmet Paçacı, Deputy Patriarch of the Turkey Syriac Catholic Church,
    Archbishop of the Turkey Armenian Catholic Church Levan Zekiyan, Chief
    Rabbi of the Jews of Turkey Ä°sak Haleva, and Armenian Deputy Patriarch
    Aram AteÅ?yan.

    President of the Presidency of Religious Affairs Prof. Dr. Mehmet
    Görmez, Grand Mufti of Istanbul Rahmi Yaran and President of the
    Directorate General of Foundations Adnan Ertem were reportedly also
    present at the dinner.

    Great. Ultimately, this is a good thing. And the messages that came
    out of the dinner are also generally positive. `So what's bugging
    you?', you may ask, because it is obvious that something is troubling
    me. To be frank, the first question mark emerges at the point where
    the `Ottomanist' leaning of the AKP and especially DavutoÄ?lu `
    although this is not a course of action unique to the AKP ` is
    reinvigorated and legitimized precisely in such places. I say it is
    not a course of action unique to the AKP, let me first explain that
    point a little. Yes, it is a fact that since the founding of the
    Republic, the establishment has taken pains to perceive, and thus
    treat, ethnic components, that were forcibly reduced into minorities,
    as religious communities. The establishment conveys its messages to
    the Patriarchate, the Chief Rabbi and the Metropolitan Bishops, and
    makes a point of discerning and treating them as the spokespeople of
    their communities, and of having the communities to also act in
    accordance of this perception.

    This method of the old, former establishment, ever proud of its
    secular appearance, clearly made things convenient. Because this meant
    that the question of `representation' was trapped within a religious,
    and therefore softened zone; and as long as religious services
    continued to be held at churches and synagogues and patriarchs,
    metropolitan bishops and chief rabbis were elected, it seemed as if
    these communities were maintaining a problem-free existence. This, of
    course, was a great convenience for the regime. Besides, in this way,
    members of these communities grew increasingly accustomed to seeing
    their representation and `equality' within this framework; and their
    remaining problems were either never mentioned, or were perceived as a
    different, broader problem, making it impossible to discuss them.

    However, and quite naturally, this was what happened: The Republic,
    which took pride in building a `modern' ` classless, unprivileged `
    nation, by forming a Presidency of Religious Affairs, held a monopoly
    over official Islam, thus not only completely destroyed the principle
    of secularism, but also effectively declared that it did not perceive
    other ethnic groups within the framework of a universal `Republic' or
    modern state, or in other words, as `equals'. Accompanied by all
    manners of fascistic implementations taking place behind the scenes,
    of course. To be frank, a comprehensive critique of the Republican
    regime's claim of secularity from this viewpoint remains lacking to
    this day.

    After the AKP came to power, and consolidated its position, it also
    took steps regarding this issue, within the framework of its reckoning
    with the regime. That is impossible to deny. However, we now faced a
    new, strange situation: While the Republic, or the old state, despite
    claiming to be a modern state, based its policy on this issue on
    religious representation, the AKP, too, within the framework of its
    following of the Ottoman example, based its own policy on this issue
    on religious representation. Thus, although certain things change in
    practice, many things in the main philosophy do not change, and in
    fact, this mentality has now taken even deeper roots. The following,
    for instance, are from DavutoÄ?lu's press declaration before the
    meeting:

    `In the context of authentic cultural traditions, religious
    traditions, this picture that contains all the colours of our Turkey
    is important. On the other hand, it is also important in terms of the
    principle of equal citizenship. We have never discriminated between
    our citizens; citizenship has remained our main principle. Regardless
    of their religion, denomination or ethnic origin, the lives,
    properties, honour, intellect and integrity of all our citizens is
    sacred for us, as it is in all religions.'

    As I said above, the messages are quite positive. However, the
    discussion of the entire issue within the framework of `religious'
    communities and religious representation; the failure, still, to
    discuss the issue of `equality' within the logic of the modern state,
    and its exposition within the context of authentic cultural traditions
    and religious traditions, doesn't all this reveal that we are in a
    problematic zone?

    Let us first ask, for instance, what are Armenians for this state, in
    the most fundamental sense? A group of Christians? Yes, the Ottoman
    Empire might have perceived them like that, but can that perception be
    sustained today? Of course, Armenians are also Christians, but first
    and foremost, they are Armenians. The Church is undoubtedly important
    for them, and the Patriarch is of course important. But, first,
    religion does not encapsulate the life of all Armenians. There are
    Armenians who have nothing to do with religion, or those who do not
    place Christianity above and ahead of everything in their lives, and
    they are by no means few in number. As is the case with the Greeks. As
    is the case with the Jews.

    Besides, let us imagine, for one moment, that it is so. I mean, that
    all the groups we mentioned above are formed of devout members. This
    would still mean that this type of representation and framework is a
    problematic one. Because, in this type of representation, are we not
    also confronted by this further problem:

    Who has elected these people? After all, they are referred to as
    representatives, but let's take a closer look at how they are elected.
    Yes, some Patriarchs are elected with community participation, but
    this is not the case for all sections of society, and besides ` and
    this is quite an interesting point ` the Armenian Community has been
    without a Patriarch for a long time now. Mutafyan, who is struggling
    with a grave illness, cannot fulfil his duty, and the present
    Patriarch, has been acting in proxy for 7 years. Therefore, the
    situation we implied above, does in fact underline a significant
    point. How accurate is it to call these figures representatives?

    Secondly: In what `capacity' are you meeting the representatives of
    these religious communities (it should be clear by now that the word
    minority is not appropriate)? As the representative of the largest
    religious community? No? As the elected head of the executive power,
    that on appearance has no connection with religious representation. I
    would once again like to note that this meeting is of course positive,
    and that the messages that have come out of the dinner are also
    positive. However, regarding the issue of representation, one must
    accept that there is something strange about the other side of the
    dinner table. It is part of the job of the Prime Minister to hold such
    meetings, but once you describe it as a `family' dinner, we have to
    ask what kind of family we are talking about here, and also about
    those who have been left out.

    There is a broad hint there. And it spells out that DavutoÄ?lu sits
    there not as the representative of a modern state, but as the
    representative of the political authority that also contains the
    representation of Islam, the dominant religion. In other words, we see
    almost all the clues of a regression to the Ottoman system here. (The
    permission given to the construction of a new church in YeÅ?ilköy, and
    its announcement on this occasion should be evaluated in this
    framework. Why, exactly, is this a task of the Prime Minister?)

    This, as far as I'm concerned, points to a greater problem beyond all
    the problems I have mentioned above: That we are now discussing all
    issues along the axis of `religion'. In the same manner that in public
    life in Turkey, and particularly in education, `religion' has
    penetrated everything, thus indicating a highly unpleasant course of
    affairs, we are now beginning to see forms of social relationship
    within the framework of the distinction between Muslim and non-Muslim.
    Therefore, while the establishment now codes the majority as `devout'
    and `non-devout' individuals, and as public life is reconstructed
    according to this new code, there is a possibility that minorities,
    too, will be perceived within this code of Muslims and non-Muslims.

    This, I mean this policy on minorities, is according to some, a better
    stage than that of the former state. Because some foundation
    properties are being returned, the official discourse has become more
    moderate compared to the past, etc. However, this relative softening
    of the state's stance does not mean `progress'. Because the place we
    could have arrived at in the year 2015, is for people to be treated
    equal as `individuals', without reference to any other identity, and
    to find representation in fields other than religious representation,
    and to seek their rights in such frameworks. And the basis for that
    would not be authentic traditions, or arguments based around the
    terribly opaque concept of ancient civilisations that seems to have
    been pulled out of thin air, but constitutional and legal assurances.

    http://www.agos.com.tr/en/article/10143/yetvart-danzikyan-davutoglus-family-dinner




    From: A. Papazian
Working...
X