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  • Russia's next acquisition

    http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/2015/01/russia-caucasus-georgia-armeni-2015114111654383153.html

    Russia's next acquisition
    By Luke Coffey
    Jan. 17, 2015

    [Summary: If Russia wanted to exploit the situation in Georgia's
    Samtskhe-Javakheti province, there's no better time than now.]


    [Luke Coffey is a research fellow specialising in transatlantic and
    Eurasian security at a Washington DC based think tank. He previously
    served as a special adviser to the British defence secretary and was a
    commissioned officer in the United States army.]

    It is no secret that Russia views the South Caucasus as being in its
    natural sphere of influence. In light of Russia's annexation of
    Crimea, and on the back of Moscow's recent treaties with Abkhazia and
    South Ossetia, Georgians have legitimate reasons to believe that
    Russian activity in their country will only increase in 2015.

    Consequently, many are keeping a close eye on the Georgian province of
    Samtskhe-Javakheti - a majority ethnically Armenian region located
    just three hours' drive from the nation's capital city of Tbilisi.

    Causing instability in Samtskhe-Javakheti would achieve two goals for Moscow.

    First, it would further dismember the territorial integrity of
    Georgia. The Georgian provinces of South Ossetia and Abkhazia are
    already under Russian occupation. By some accounts they are closer
    than ever to being annexed by Moscow. An independent
    Samtskhe-Javakheti, or one under Russian influence, would divide
    Georgia down the middle.

    A perfect storm

    Armenian separatism in Samtskhe-Javakheti might not be as vocal as it
    was only a few years ago; but there is still a fear that Moscow could
    easily reenergise separatist movements in the region.

    Secondly, and more importantly for Russia, bringing the region under
    Moscow's influence would make a land corridor between Russia and
    Armenia, via South Ossetia, one step closer. This is important because
    Russia maintains a sizeable military presence in Armenia. The bulk of
    the Russian force is based in the city of Gyumri and consists of
    approximately 5,000 soldiers and dozens of fighter planes and attack
    helicopters.

    Russia has long had the difficult challenge of supplying these forces,
    especially since Georgia and Turkey refuse transit rights. This has
    left a reliance on Iran, which for obvious reasons, is not ideal for
    Russia.

    It is not only for Russia that Samtskhe-Javakheti is strategically
    important, but also for Europe.

    The Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline and the South Caucasus Pipeline,
    carrying oil and gas respectively from the Caspian Sea to the
    Mediterranean Sea, passes through the province.

    As the possibility of more Central Asian oil and gas finding its way
    to Europe becomes likely, these pipelines bypassing Russia will become
    a vital part of Europe's energy security.

    In addition, the Kars-Tbilisi-Baku railway, which is due to open later
    this year, passes through Samtskhe-Javakheti. It is expected that this
    rail line will eventually transport 3 million passengers and over 15
    million tons of freight each year.

    There is a perfect storm brewing in the region and if Russia wanted to
    exploit the situation in Samtskhe-Javakheti it could not ask for
    better timing than now.

    Russian sympathies

    First is the fact that many Javakheti Armenians have Russian
    sympathies. Until its closure in 2007, the Russian military base there
    was the single biggest source of employment. It has also been
    reportedthat Moscow is issuing Russian passports to ethnic Armenians
    living in the region.


    This in itself is telling; Russia issued passports to Abkhazians and
    South Ossetians just before its 2008 invasion of Georgia and also
    issued passports to Crimeans ahead of the annexation of Crimea last
    year.

    But Russia is only part of the problem. Many of the grievances
    Javakheti Armenians have are a result of poor policy making by the
    central government in Tbilisi.

    Many Javakheti Armenians feel that their culture and language are
    discriminated against. There has been a decrease in the quality of
    education among the Javakheti Armenian population.

    The bilingual education program of teaching in both Georgian and
    Armenian has been described as a "total failure" because there are not
    enough qualified teachers with proficiency in both languages.

    Unemployment is high in Samtskhe-Javakheti and future economic
    prospects in the region look bleak. Many Javakheti Armenians travel to
    Russia or Armenia for work.

    Economy strained

    Thanks to the drop in the value of the Russian ruble - almost
    one-third of its value in the past year - remittances have also
    decreased. The unusually harsh winter in the region is placing a
    further strain on economic activity.

    Then there is the issue of citizenship and immigration. Many Javakheti
    Armenians do not have Georgian citizenship. Instead, many hold
    Armenian passports because finding seasonal work in Armenia and Russia
    is easier this way.

    Until recently, Armenian citizens were allowed to live and work inside
    Georgia without any special authorisation as long as they crossed the
    border back into Armenia at least once a year.

    Last September this changed. Now Javakheti Armenians without Georgian
    citizenship can only stay in Georgia for three months at a time.
    Longer term residency permits are costly.

    These policies breed animosity and form a perfect storm that could
    easily be exploited by Russia.

    It does not have to be this way. Sensible policies can be pursued by
    Tbilisi to address the legitimate grievances of the Javakheti
    Armenians. The West can make it clear to Russia that further meddling
    in Georgia's domestic affairs could lead to additional sanctions.

    The last thing the South Caucasus needs is another sectarian conflict.

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