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WON'T YOU EVER VISIT WASHINGTON, MR. PRIME MINISTER?
Cihan News Agency (CNA), Turkey
March 3, 2015 Tuesday
Ä°STANBUL (CÄ°HAN)- Every Turkish prime minister dreams of visiting
Washington and being hosted by the US president at the White House.
Whoever claims otherwise is lying. This does not change depending
on his/her ideological origin or even if s/he lashes out at the
US in rallies. Turkish prime ministers attach special importance
to Washington visits both in terms of their personal careers and
as regards intergovernmental relations. However, it does not seem
likely that Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoglu will fulfill this dream
any time soon...
Davutoglu will be visiting New York for economic talks this week.
Having flown to the US, why doesn't/can't he stop by Washington? This
is because the doors of the White House are closed to him. He is
not given an appointment. When he was prime minister, President Recep
Tayyip Erdogan could meet former President George W. Bush and President
Barack Obama. Obama would occasionally phone former President Abdullah
Gul, but opted to discuss bilateral relations with Erdogan. Today,
if he wishes to send a message to Turkey, Obama contacts the Turkish
president, not the Turkish prime minister.
Since he became prime minister, Davutoglu can't talk to Obama even on
the phone. The only face-to-face consultation between the two occurred
during the G-20 meeting in Australia. US Vice President Joe Biden,
too, does not address him directly. He is contacted mostly by US
Secretary of State John Kerry. Kerry also phones Foreign Minister
Mevlut CavuÅ~_oglu out of courtesy but he prefers to talk business
mainly with Davutoglu. In short, the US does not give Davutoglu the
significance it traditionally affords to Turkish prime ministers. He
is treated as a senior foreign minister, in a sense. I don't remember
any other Turkish prime minister who was given this protocol.
White House's doors closed
Davutoglu is certainly not the only one who cannot visit Washington.
President Erdogan will hardly step in the White House until Obama
leaves office -- unless Erdogan produces a rabbit out of his hat.
Erdogan is perceived as an extremely antipathetic, autocratic,
anti-US and anti-Semitic leader in Washington. If he does not change
himself, Erdogan will most probably find it hard to pose for a photo
with the next US president. The US administration's aloofness is
not specific to certain individuals but targets all Justice and
Development Party (AKP) officials. CavuÅ~_oglu's efforts to visit
Washington came to naught. Why should Kerry spare his precious time
for an ineffective figure like CavuÅ~_oglu when he can sort things
out with Davutoglu? In addition to the AKP officials who can't visit
the US capital, there are others who came to the city but had to
return empty handed. During his Washington visit, European Affairs
Minister Volkan Bozkır didn't/couldn't meet his US counterparts. We
had heard that Interior Minister Efkan Ala, too, was planning to visit
Washington, but apparently this plan was abandoned. Defense Minister
İsmet Yılmaz attended an anti-terrorism summit meeting organized
by the US in Washington but he returned without talking to any senior
US government officials. Don't think that AKP officials were cold to
the US administration. They are burning to go to Washington and get
good treatment, but that is not likely. Their prestige has fallen
through the floor.
Partisan state apparatus
When any trouble emerged between the US administration and the Turkish
government in the past, the state institutions with their unique
identities and established traditions would ensure the continuation of
bilateral relations and minimize the risks. The Turkish Armed Forces
(TSK) and the Foreign Ministry would assume important roles in this
regard. The Turkish army is now a passive player. The Foreign Ministry,
too, does not represent the "state" as much as it did in the past.
Diplomats have either become partisan or they cannot be objective
or flexible out of fear of the government. For instance, Turkey's
Ambassador to the US Serdar Kılıc does not have the chance to play
the good cop with American because he gives the impression of being
partisan. Foreign Ministry Undersecretary Feridun Sinirlioglu, too,
is increasingly associated with the ruling party. Last week, he met
US officials in Washington without informing the Turkish press, but I
don't think he managed to soften them. It is doubtful whether he can
develop good relations with Deputy Secretary of State Tony Blinken
as he did with former Deputy Secretary William Burns.
The relations with the US Congress are in tatters because the Turkish
government's loss of prestige with Congress is very great. Moreover,
members of Congress can be very outspoken in their criticism of the
AKP. AKP deputy Å~^aban DiÅ~_li, the chairman of the Turkish-American
Inter-parliamentary Friendship Group, and his friends came to
Washington and returned after a low-profile visit. The few and
low-profile appointments they could get should give them an idea
about the miserable condition of their prestige in Congress. There is
certainly the likelihood that the Armenian genocide bill, reintroduced
to the House of Representatives, may be enacted this time due to the
antipathy for Erdogan and the Turkish government. Despite this, I am
sure the AKP delegation allocates a significant portion of their time
to propaganda against the Gulen movement. As the representatives of
a political party which is seen as repressive, insincere and anti-US
speak out against the Gulen movement, the movement's prestige in US
Congress increases. But the damage is done to Turkey's undefended
interests.
As it gets cornered in diplomacy, the Turkish government tries to
market the retreat from the Suleyman Å~^ah tomb site as a victory, even
though it withdrew because of the security situation in Syria, which
can in turn be attributed to its strategic policy mistakes. Washington
finds the race between Erdogan and Davutoglu to advertise the
operation as a success interesting. It seems that the time of earning
international prestige and influence using close ties with the White
House has come to an end. This cannot be corrected by establishing
pro-government think tanks in the US capital or by funding certain
intellectuals. The problem is with the essence, not with perceptions...
ALÄ° H. ASLAN (Cihan/Today's Zaman) CÄ°HAN
Cihan News Agency (CNA), Turkey
March 3, 2015 Tuesday
Ä°STANBUL (CÄ°HAN)- Every Turkish prime minister dreams of visiting
Washington and being hosted by the US president at the White House.
Whoever claims otherwise is lying. This does not change depending
on his/her ideological origin or even if s/he lashes out at the
US in rallies. Turkish prime ministers attach special importance
to Washington visits both in terms of their personal careers and
as regards intergovernmental relations. However, it does not seem
likely that Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoglu will fulfill this dream
any time soon...
Davutoglu will be visiting New York for economic talks this week.
Having flown to the US, why doesn't/can't he stop by Washington? This
is because the doors of the White House are closed to him. He is
not given an appointment. When he was prime minister, President Recep
Tayyip Erdogan could meet former President George W. Bush and President
Barack Obama. Obama would occasionally phone former President Abdullah
Gul, but opted to discuss bilateral relations with Erdogan. Today,
if he wishes to send a message to Turkey, Obama contacts the Turkish
president, not the Turkish prime minister.
Since he became prime minister, Davutoglu can't talk to Obama even on
the phone. The only face-to-face consultation between the two occurred
during the G-20 meeting in Australia. US Vice President Joe Biden,
too, does not address him directly. He is contacted mostly by US
Secretary of State John Kerry. Kerry also phones Foreign Minister
Mevlut CavuÅ~_oglu out of courtesy but he prefers to talk business
mainly with Davutoglu. In short, the US does not give Davutoglu the
significance it traditionally affords to Turkish prime ministers. He
is treated as a senior foreign minister, in a sense. I don't remember
any other Turkish prime minister who was given this protocol.
White House's doors closed
Davutoglu is certainly not the only one who cannot visit Washington.
President Erdogan will hardly step in the White House until Obama
leaves office -- unless Erdogan produces a rabbit out of his hat.
Erdogan is perceived as an extremely antipathetic, autocratic,
anti-US and anti-Semitic leader in Washington. If he does not change
himself, Erdogan will most probably find it hard to pose for a photo
with the next US president. The US administration's aloofness is
not specific to certain individuals but targets all Justice and
Development Party (AKP) officials. CavuÅ~_oglu's efforts to visit
Washington came to naught. Why should Kerry spare his precious time
for an ineffective figure like CavuÅ~_oglu when he can sort things
out with Davutoglu? In addition to the AKP officials who can't visit
the US capital, there are others who came to the city but had to
return empty handed. During his Washington visit, European Affairs
Minister Volkan Bozkır didn't/couldn't meet his US counterparts. We
had heard that Interior Minister Efkan Ala, too, was planning to visit
Washington, but apparently this plan was abandoned. Defense Minister
İsmet Yılmaz attended an anti-terrorism summit meeting organized
by the US in Washington but he returned without talking to any senior
US government officials. Don't think that AKP officials were cold to
the US administration. They are burning to go to Washington and get
good treatment, but that is not likely. Their prestige has fallen
through the floor.
Partisan state apparatus
When any trouble emerged between the US administration and the Turkish
government in the past, the state institutions with their unique
identities and established traditions would ensure the continuation of
bilateral relations and minimize the risks. The Turkish Armed Forces
(TSK) and the Foreign Ministry would assume important roles in this
regard. The Turkish army is now a passive player. The Foreign Ministry,
too, does not represent the "state" as much as it did in the past.
Diplomats have either become partisan or they cannot be objective
or flexible out of fear of the government. For instance, Turkey's
Ambassador to the US Serdar Kılıc does not have the chance to play
the good cop with American because he gives the impression of being
partisan. Foreign Ministry Undersecretary Feridun Sinirlioglu, too,
is increasingly associated with the ruling party. Last week, he met
US officials in Washington without informing the Turkish press, but I
don't think he managed to soften them. It is doubtful whether he can
develop good relations with Deputy Secretary of State Tony Blinken
as he did with former Deputy Secretary William Burns.
The relations with the US Congress are in tatters because the Turkish
government's loss of prestige with Congress is very great. Moreover,
members of Congress can be very outspoken in their criticism of the
AKP. AKP deputy Å~^aban DiÅ~_li, the chairman of the Turkish-American
Inter-parliamentary Friendship Group, and his friends came to
Washington and returned after a low-profile visit. The few and
low-profile appointments they could get should give them an idea
about the miserable condition of their prestige in Congress. There is
certainly the likelihood that the Armenian genocide bill, reintroduced
to the House of Representatives, may be enacted this time due to the
antipathy for Erdogan and the Turkish government. Despite this, I am
sure the AKP delegation allocates a significant portion of their time
to propaganda against the Gulen movement. As the representatives of
a political party which is seen as repressive, insincere and anti-US
speak out against the Gulen movement, the movement's prestige in US
Congress increases. But the damage is done to Turkey's undefended
interests.
As it gets cornered in diplomacy, the Turkish government tries to
market the retreat from the Suleyman Å~^ah tomb site as a victory, even
though it withdrew because of the security situation in Syria, which
can in turn be attributed to its strategic policy mistakes. Washington
finds the race between Erdogan and Davutoglu to advertise the
operation as a success interesting. It seems that the time of earning
international prestige and influence using close ties with the White
House has come to an end. This cannot be corrected by establishing
pro-government think tanks in the US capital or by funding certain
intellectuals. The problem is with the essence, not with perceptions...
ALÄ° H. ASLAN (Cihan/Today's Zaman) CÄ°HAN